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Rani dialect

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Rani
Lechito-Rani
Native to Germany
Region Rugen
Extinct 1404 [1]
Language codes
ISO 639-3 ?
Map of Rugen from 1608 by Eilhardus Lubinus

The Rani dialect [3] or Lechito-Rani supradialect [4] is an extinct Slavic Lechitic dialect used by the Rani tribe [5] ? the medieval Slavic inhabitants of the island of Rugen (in Rani dialect: R?jana , R?na [5] ) and its opposite coast. [6] This dialect, because of its closer affinity to the Drevani language than to the Pomeranian area , should be classified as a West Lechitic dialect . [7]

The dialects of Rugen have left no written monuments, so the main source of knowledge about them is the toponyms and personal names of Slavic origin recorded in medieval chronicles.

Features [ edit ]

Development of vowels and sonants [ edit ]

The development of Proto-Slavic nasals coincided with that in other Lechitic dialects - the PS *? gave a regular ?? , e.g. Dansne , Gansilitze , Damerowe , Wanghelin < PS * D?sno , * G?slic? , * D?brovy , * ?glinъ , whereas in the case of PS *? Lechitic apophony happened and before the hard dental consonants it gave '?? , e.g. Boranta , Swantewostroe , Zvantegurt < PS * Bor?ta , * Sv?tъ Ostrovъ , * Sv?tъ Gordъ , while in the other positions narrow ?? , e.g. Burrentin , Gnewentin , Uincymir < PS * Bor?tinъ , * Gn?v?tinъ , * V??emirъ . [8] [9]

Lechitic apophony also shows the development of *? ? before the hard dental consonants it gave *a , e.g. Lascouiz , Peask , Stralowe < PS *L?sъkovica , *P?sъkъ , *Str?lovo , while in other positions e , e.g. Gnewentin , Pasceke , Tessemar < PS *Gn?v?tinъ , *Pas?ka , *T??imirъ . [10] [11]

Proto-Slavic *e before originally palatalized consonants narrows to ? , transcribed alternately by ?e?, ?i? and ?y?, e.g. Bizdede , Kaminise , Mellnitz < PS *Bezd?dьje , *Kameni??e , *Melьnica , while in other positions it gives an e , e.g. Brese , Gribenow , Jesere < PS *Berza , *Grebenovъ , *Jezero . [12] [13] The narrowing of *e to ? or i before originally palatal consonants ties the Rani dialect to the Drevani area . [12] No Lechitic apophony * e > ’o .

The Proto-Slavic *o probably developed into the narrow ? , denoted in writing ?o?, ?u? or ?uo?, e.g. Burizlaws , Dobrezlauus , Ulznica < PS *Borislavъ , *Dobroslavъ , *Olь?anica . [14] In addition, *o underwent reduction to a reduced vowel of the type ? under certain hard-to-define conditions, e.g. Debermoyzle , Luberadus < PS *Dobromyslъ , *?uboradъ . [12] Especially often this reduction occurs in the auslaut, e.g. Bucowe , Belicowe , Jarcuowe < PS * Bukovo , * B?likovo , * Jarъkovo , [15] although there are also forms without this reduction, such as. Slaweko < PS * Slavъko . [16] The anlaut *o- tends to take on a prosthetic v- (* o- > u?o- > vo- ), e.g. Wastroznae , Wobluzs , Swantewostroe < PS * Ostro?ьn- , * Ob?u?e , * Sv?tъ Ostrovъ , [17] which connects the Rani dialect to all of Polabie , Pomerania , Lusatia , Greater Poland and Bohemia .

Proto-Slavic *a as a rule gave a , e.g. Babyn , Camenez , Graboue < PS * Babinъ , * Kamenьcь , * Grabovo . [16] [17] However, it developed differently in the *ra- group, where it gave re- , e.g. Redomer , Retim < PS * Radom?rъ , * Radimь [16] next to the rarer ra- such as Radozlaus < PS * Radoslavъ [18] and perhaps in the *ja- group, where the records are ambiguous, since, for example, next to Jerognew there is Jargneu < PS * Jarogn?vъ . [16] In addition, in the auslaut *a was reduced, e.g.. Ghore , Lopate , Plachte < PS * gora , * lopata , * plaxъta . [18]

The Proto-Slavic *u gives a constant u , e.g. Bucowe , Lubbin , Zulizlaus < PS * Bukovo , * ?ubinъ , * Sulislavъ , [19] [18] except for the position before the nasal consonants m and n , where it seems to give o , e.g. Peron (next to Pyrun , Perun ), Stromineke < PS *Perunъ , *Strumenьky . [20]

The Proto-Slavic *i generally gave i , e.g. Babyn , Bandin , Gardist < PS * Babinъ , * B?dinъ , * Gordi??e . [19] [18] In the position before *r , however, it must have been raised to e or a , as evidenced by notations like Jaromerus , Moyzlemer , Seracowe < PS * Jaromirъ , * Myslimirъ , * Sirakovo . [18]

The Proto-Slavic *y essentially gave y , e.g. Bitgast , Bykove , Pribislaus < PS * Bydъgo??ь , * Bykovo , * Pribyslavъ , with a strong tendency to diphthongize to oi in the position after labial consonants , e.g. Moyslekov , Moyzlemer , Woyzlaus < PS * Myslikovъ , * Myslimirъ , Vyslavъ . [19] [21] In addition, *y was reduced to ? in some positions, such as. Damerowe , Lepelowe < PS * D?brovy , * L?pylovy . [19]

Yers in weak position disappeared, [19] [22] while in the strong position gave e , e.g. Camenez , Coretz , Kozel < PS * Kamenьcь , * Korьcь , * Kozьlъ , and *ъ most likely gave o , for which there is only one example: Cirkow < PS * C??kъvь . [22]

Proto-Slavic group *TorT switches to TarT almost without exceptions, np. Barnim , Charna , Gartz < PS * Bornimъ , * Xorna , * Gordьcь . [19] [23] The *TolT group usually switches to TloT , e.g. Glowe , Glowenitza , Slonitze < PS * Golvy , * Golvьnica , * Solnic? , although there are examples for TolT , e.g. Soldekewitze < PS * Soldъkovi?? . [24] The *TerT group generally gives TreT , sometimes written ?TriT? np. Breghe , Bresnitz , Brisanche < PS * Bergy , * Berzьnica , * Ber?anъky , exceptional TerT is only the Zerbentin < PS * ?erb?tinъ . [24] No examples for * TelT . [24]

The Proto-Slavic *r? ( *ъr ) constantly gives ar , e.g. Carnin , Garnzke < PS * Kr?ninъ , * Gr?nь?ьky . [24] In the case of * ?? ( *ьr ) there was a Lechitic apophony to ar before the hard dental consonants , e.g. Bardeke , Zarnegloue < PS * B??dъko , * ???na Glova , while in the other positions * ?? gives er (also noted as ?ir?), e.g. Cerwitze , Cirkow , Sirkuist < PS * ???vic? , * C??kъvь , * C??kъvi??e . [25] [26] Proto-Slavic * l? and * ?? ( *ъl and *ьl ) merged to give ol , e.g. Dolgemost , Puzdevolk , Stolpzk < PS * Dl?gъ Mostъ , * Pustiv??kъ , * Stl?pьskъ . [25] [27]

Development of consonants [ edit ]

Primary palatal consonants have dyspalatalized, except when followed by back vowels . This palatalization is noted in records such as Borjanta , Liazcha , Pyazcke , Zwinga < PS * Bor?ta , * L?ska , * P?sъky , * Svinьja . [27] This links the Rani dialect with the Drevani dialect . [25] [7]

Proto-Slavic *? and *? (< *t-j , *k-t ; *d-j ) gave c and ? , respectively, e.g. Swetzenowitz , Blandzawicz < PS * Sv??enovi?ь , * Bl??avi?ь , with the latter phoneme tending to transition into z , e.g. Miseres < PS * Me?er??ь . [28]

The Proto-Slavic group *?? has passed into st , e.g. Gardist , Stiaplin < PS * Gordi??e , * ??apъlinъ . [29]

Written monuments lack the distinction of the series s , c , z from ? , ? , ? , which most likely indicates the mazuration of the Rugian dialect. [29]

References [ edit ]

  1. ^ Werner Besch, Sprachgeschichte: Ein Handbuch zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und ihrer Erforschung2nd edition, Walter de Gruyter, 1998, p.2707, ISBN   3-11-015883-3 [1]
  2. ^ Lehr-Spławi?ski 1934 , p. 23.
  3. ^ Milewski 1930 , p. 297, 301.
  4. ^ Batowski 1927 , p. 259.
  5. ^ a b Milewski 1930 , p. 306.
  6. ^ Ł?gowski & Lehr-Spławi?ski 1922 , p. 114.
  7. ^ a b Ł?gowski & Lehr-Spławi?ski 1922 , p. 136.
  8. ^ Batowski 1927 , p. 271.
  9. ^ Ł?gowski & Lehr-Spławi?ski 1922 , p. 125-127.
  10. ^ Batowski 1927 , p. 271-272.
  11. ^ Ł?gowski & Lehr-Spławi?ski 1922 , p. 127.
  12. ^ a b c Batowski 1927 , p. 272.
  13. ^ Ł?gowski & Lehr-Spławi?ski 1922 , p. 127-128.
  14. ^ Batowski 1927 , p. 272-273.
  15. ^ Ł?gowski & Lehr-Spławi?ski 1922 , p. 128.
  16. ^ a b c d Batowski 1927 , p. 273.
  17. ^ a b Ł?gowski & Lehr-Spławi?ski 1922 , p. 129.
  18. ^ a b c d e Ł?gowski & Lehr-Spławi?ski 1922 , p. 130.
  19. ^ a b c d e f Batowski 1927 , p. 274.
  20. ^ Milewski 1930 , p. 295.
  21. ^ Ł?gowski & Lehr-Spławi?ski 1922 , p. 130-131.
  22. ^ a b Ł?gowski & Lehr-Spławi?ski 1922 , p. 131.
  23. ^ Ł?gowski & Lehr-Spławi?ski 1922 , p. 131-132.
  24. ^ a b c d Ł?gowski & Lehr-Spławi?ski 1922 , p. 132.
  25. ^ a b c Batowski 1927 , p. 275.
  26. ^ Ł?gowski & Lehr-Spławi?ski 1922 , p. 132-133.
  27. ^ a b Ł?gowski & Lehr-Spławi?ski 1922 , p. 133.
  28. ^ Ł?gowski & Lehr-Spławi?ski 1922 , p. 133-134.
  29. ^ a b Ł?gowski & Lehr-Spławi?ski 1922 , p. 134.

Bibliography [ edit ]

  • Batowski, Henryk (1927). "Przyczynki do narzecza lechicko-rugijskiego". Slavia Occidentalis (in Polish). VI : 259?275.
  • Ł?gowski, Jozef; Lehr-Spławi?ski, Tadeusz (1922). "Szcz?tki j?zyka dawnych słowia?skich mieszka?cow wyspy Rugji". Slavia Occidentalis (in Polish). II : 114?136.
  • Lehr-Spławi?ski, Tadeusz (1934). O narzeczach Słowian nadbałtyckich (in Polish). Toru?. {{ cite book }} : CS1 maint: location missing publisher ( link )
  • Milewski, Tadeusz (1930). "Pierwotne nazwy wyspy Rugji i słowia?skich jej mieszka?cow". Slavia Occidentalis (in Polish). IX : 292?306.