The
Rani dialect
or
Lechito-Rani
supradialect
is an
extinct
Slavic
Lechitic dialect
used by the
Rani tribe
? the
medieval
Slavic
inhabitants of the island of
Rugen
(in Rani dialect:
R?jana
,
R?na
) and its opposite coast.
This dialect, because of its closer affinity to the
Drevani language
than to the
Pomeranian area
, should be classified as a
West Lechitic dialect
.
The dialects of Rugen have left no written monuments, so the main source of knowledge about them is the
toponyms
and personal names of Slavic origin recorded in medieval chronicles.
Features
[
edit
]
Development of vowels and sonants
[
edit
]
The development of Proto-Slavic
nasals
coincided with that in other Lechitic dialects - the
*?
gave a regular
??
, e.g.
Dansne
,
Gansilitze
,
Damerowe
,
Wanghelin
<
*
D?sno
, *
G?slic?
, *
D?brovy
, *
?glinъ
, whereas in the case of
*?
Lechitic apophony
happened and before the hard
dental consonants
it gave
'??
, e.g.
Boranta
,
Swantewostroe
,
Zvantegurt
<
*
Bor?ta
, *
Sv?tъ Ostrovъ
, *
Sv?tъ Gordъ
, while in the other positions narrow
??
, e.g.
Burrentin
,
Gnewentin
,
Uincymir
<
*
Bor?tinъ
, *
Gn?v?tinъ
, *
V??emirъ
.
Lechitic apophony also shows the development of
*?
? before the hard dental consonants it gave
*a
, e.g.
Lascouiz
,
Peask
,
Stralowe
<
*L?sъkovica
,
*P?sъkъ
,
*Str?lovo
, while in other positions
e
, e.g.
Gnewentin
,
Pasceke
,
Tessemar
<
*Gn?v?tinъ
,
*Pas?ka
,
*T??imirъ
.
Proto-Slavic
*e
before originally palatalized consonants narrows to
?
, transcribed alternately by ?e?, ?i? and ?y?, e.g.
Bizdede
,
Kaminise
,
Mellnitz
<
*Bezd?dьje
,
*Kameni??e
,
*Melьnica
, while in other positions it gives an
e
, e.g.
Brese
,
Gribenow
,
Jesere
<
*Berza
,
*Grebenovъ
,
*Jezero
.
The narrowing of
*e
to
?
or
i
before originally palatal consonants ties the Rani dialect to the
Drevani area
.
No Lechitic apophony *
e
>
’o
.
The Proto-Slavic
*o
probably developed into the narrow
?
, denoted in writing ?o?, ?u? or ?uo?, e.g.
Burizlaws
,
Dobrezlauus
,
Ulznica
<
*Borislavъ
,
*Dobroslavъ
,
*Olь?anica
.
In addition,
*o
underwent reduction to a reduced vowel of the type
?
under certain hard-to-define conditions, e.g.
Debermoyzle
,
Luberadus
<
*Dobromyslъ
,
*?uboradъ
.
Especially often this reduction occurs in the auslaut, e.g.
Bucowe
,
Belicowe
,
Jarcuowe
<
*
Bukovo
, *
B?likovo
, *
Jarъkovo
,
although there are also forms without this reduction, such as.
Slaweko
<
*
Slavъko
.
The anlaut
*o-
tends to take on a prosthetic
v-
(*
o-
>
u?o-
>
vo-
), e.g.
Wastroznae
,
Wobluzs
,
Swantewostroe
<
*
Ostro?ьn-
, *
Ob?u?e
, *
Sv?tъ Ostrovъ
,
which connects the Rani dialect to all of
Polabie
,
Pomerania
,
Lusatia
,
Greater Poland
and
Bohemia
.
Proto-Slavic
*a
as a rule gave
a
, e.g.
Babyn
,
Camenez
,
Graboue
<
*
Babinъ
, *
Kamenьcь
, *
Grabovo
.
However, it developed differently in the
*ra-
group, where it gave
re-
, e.g.
Redomer
,
Retim
<
*
Radom?rъ
, *
Radimь
next to the rarer
ra-
such as
Radozlaus
<
*
Radoslavъ
and perhaps in the
*ja-
group, where the records are ambiguous, since, for example, next to
Jerognew
there is
Jargneu
<
*
Jarogn?vъ
.
In addition, in the auslaut
*a
was reduced, e.g..
Ghore
,
Lopate
,
Plachte
<
*
gora
, *
lopata
, *
plaxъta
.
The Proto-Slavic
*u
gives a constant
u
, e.g.
Bucowe
,
Lubbin
,
Zulizlaus
<
*
Bukovo
, *
?ubinъ
, *
Sulislavъ
,
except for the position before the
nasal consonants
m
and
n
, where it seems to give
o
, e.g.
Peron
(next to
Pyrun
,
Perun
),
Stromineke
<
*Perunъ
,
*Strumenьky
.
The Proto-Slavic
*i
generally gave
i
, e.g.
Babyn
,
Bandin
,
Gardist
<
*
Babinъ
, *
B?dinъ
, *
Gordi??e
.
In the position before
*r
, however, it must have been raised to
e
or
a
, as evidenced by notations like
Jaromerus
,
Moyzlemer
,
Seracowe
<
*
Jaromirъ
, *
Myslimirъ
, *
Sirakovo
.
The Proto-Slavic
*y
essentially gave
y
, e.g.
Bitgast
,
Bykove
,
Pribislaus
<
*
Bydъgo??ь
, *
Bykovo
, *
Pribyslavъ
, with a strong tendency to diphthongize to
oi
in the position after
labial consonants
, e.g.
Moyslekov
,
Moyzlemer
,
Woyzlaus
<
*
Myslikovъ
, *
Myslimirъ
,
Vyslavъ
.
In addition,
*y
was reduced to
?
in some positions, such as.
Damerowe
,
Lepelowe
<
*
D?brovy
, *
L?pylovy
.
Yers
in weak position disappeared,
while in the strong position
*ь
gave
e
, e.g.
Camenez
,
Coretz
,
Kozel
<
*
Kamenьcь
, *
Korьcь
, *
Kozьlъ
, and *ъ most likely gave
o
, for which there is only one example:
Cirkow
<
*
C??kъvь
.
Proto-Slavic group
*TorT
switches to
TarT
almost without exceptions, np.
Barnim
,
Charna
,
Gartz
<
*
Bornimъ
, *
Xorna
, *
Gordьcь
.
The
*TolT
group usually switches to
TloT
, e.g.
Glowe
,
Glowenitza
,
Slonitze
<
*
Golvy
, *
Golvьnica
, *
Solnic?
, although there are examples for
TolT
, e.g.
Soldekewitze
<
*
Soldъkovi??
.
The
*TerT
group generally gives
TreT
, sometimes written ?TriT? np.
Breghe
,
Bresnitz
,
Brisanche
<
*
Bergy
, *
Berzьnica
, *
Ber?anъky
, exceptional
TerT
is only the
Zerbentin
<
*
?erb?tinъ
.
No examples for *
TelT
.
The Proto-Slavic
*r?
(
*ъr
) constantly gives
ar
, e.g.
Carnin
,
Garnzke
<
*
Kr?ninъ
, *
Gr?nь?ьky
.
In the case of *
??
(
*ьr
) there was a Lechitic apophony to
ar
before the hard
dental consonants
, e.g.
Bardeke
,
Zarnegloue
<
*
B??dъko
, *
???na Glova
, while in the other positions *
??
gives
er
(also noted as ?ir?), e.g.
Cerwitze
,
Cirkow
,
Sirkuist
<
*
???vic?
, *
C??kъvь
, *
C??kъvi??e
.
Proto-Slavic *
l?
and *
??
(
*ъl
and
*ьl
) merged to give
ol
, e.g.
Dolgemost
,
Puzdevolk
,
Stolpzk
<
*
Dl?gъ Mostъ
, *
Pustiv??kъ
, *
Stl?pьskъ
.
Development of consonants
[
edit
]
Primary
palatal consonants
have dyspalatalized, except when followed by
back vowels
. This palatalization is noted in records such as
Borjanta
,
Liazcha
,
Pyazcke
,
Zwinga
<
*
Bor?ta
, *
L?ska
, *
P?sъky
, *
Svinьja
.
This links the Rani dialect with the
Drevani dialect
.
Proto-Slavic
*?
and
*?
(<
*t-j
,
*k-t
;
*d-j
) gave
c
and
?
, respectively, e.g.
Swetzenowitz
,
Blandzawicz
<
*
Sv??enovi?ь
, *
Bl??avi?ь
, with the latter phoneme tending to transition into
z
, e.g.
Miseres
<
*
Me?er??ь
.
The Proto-Slavic group
*??
has passed into
st
, e.g.
Gardist
,
Stiaplin
<
*
Gordi??e
, *
??apъlinъ
.
Written monuments lack the distinction of the series
s
,
c
,
z
from
?
,
?
,
?
, which most likely indicates the
mazuration
of the Rugian dialect.
References
[
edit
]
- ^
Werner Besch, Sprachgeschichte: Ein Handbuch zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und ihrer Erforschung2nd edition, Walter de Gruyter, 1998, p.2707,
ISBN
3-11-015883-3
[1]
Bibliography
[
edit
]
- Batowski, Henryk (1927). "Przyczynki do narzecza lechicko-rugijskiego".
Slavia Occidentalis
(in Polish).
VI
: 259?275.
- Ł?gowski, Jozef;
Lehr-Spławi?ski, Tadeusz
(1922). "Szcz?tki j?zyka dawnych słowia?skich mieszka?cow wyspy Rugji".
Slavia Occidentalis
(in Polish).
II
: 114?136.
- Lehr-Spławi?ski, Tadeusz
(1934).
O narzeczach Słowian nadbałtyckich
(in Polish). Toru?.
{{
cite book
}}
: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (
link
)
- Milewski, Tadeusz
(1930). "Pierwotne nazwy wyspy Rugji i słowia?skich jej mieszka?cow".
Slavia Occidentalis
(in Polish).
IX
: 292?306.
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