Form of the Spanish language used in New Mexico, United States
New Mexican Spanish
(
Spanish
:
espanol neomexicano
) refers to the varieties of
Spanish spoken in the United States
in
New Mexico
and southern
Colorado
. It includes an
endangered
[1]
traditional indigenous dialect spoken generally by
Oasisamerican
peoples and
Hispano
?descendants, who live mostly in New Mexico, southern Colorado, in
Pueblos
,
Jicarilla
,
Mescalero
, the
Navajo Nation
, and in other parts of the former regions of
Nuevo Mexico
and the
New Mexico Territory
.
[
page needed
]
[3]
[4]
[
page needed
]
[6]
Due to New Mexico's unique political history and over 400 years of relative geographic isolation, New Mexican Spanish is unique within
Hispanic America
,
[1]
with the closest similarities found only in certain rural areas of
northern Mexico
and
Texas
;
[7]
it has been described as unlike any form of Spanish in the world.
[8]
This dialect is sometimes called
Traditional New Mexican Spanish,
or the
Spanish Dialect of the Upper Rio Grande Region
, to distinguish it from the relatively more recent Mexican variety spoken in the south of the state and among more recent Spanish-speaking immigrants.
[1]
Among the distinctive features of New Mexican Spanish are the preservation of archaic forms and vocabulary from colonial-era Spanish (such as
haiga
instead of
haya
or
Yo seigo
, instead of
Yo soy
);
[9]
the borrowing of words from
Puebloan
languages,
[10]
in addition to the
Nahuatl
loanwords brought by some colonists (such as
chimayo
, or "obsidian flake", from
Tewa
and
cibolo
, or buffalo, from
Zuni
);
[11]
independent
lexical
and
morphological
innovations;
[12]
and a large proportion of English loanwords, particularly for technology (such as
bos
,
troca
, and
telefon
).
[13]
Despite surviving centuries of political and social change, including campaigns of suppression in the early 20th century, Traditional New Mexican Spanish is, as of the early 2020s, threatened with extinction over the next few decades;
[1]
causes include rural flight from the isolated communities that preserved it, the growing influence of
Mexican Spanish
, and intermarriage and interaction between
Hispanos
and Mexican immigrants.
[14]
[15]
The traditional dialect has increasingly mixed with contemporary varieties, resulting in a new dialect sometimes called
Renovador
.
[7]
Today, the language can be heard in a popular folk genre called
New Mexico music
and preserved in the traditions of
New Mexican cuisine
.
History
[
edit
]
The Spanish language first arrived in present-day New Mexico with
Juan de Onate
's colonization expedition in 1598, which brought 600-700 settlers. Almost half the early settlers were from Spain, including many from
New Spain
, with most of the rest from various parts of Latin America, the Canary Islands, and Portugal. Following the
Pueblo Revolt
in 1680, New Mexico was resettled again starting in 1692, primarily by refugees from the Pueblo Revolt and others born in northern New Spain. The Spanish-speaking areas with which New Mexico had the greatest contact were
Chihuahua
and
Sonora
.
Likely as a result of these historical origins and connections, Traditional New Mexican Spanish shares many morphological features with the rural Spanish of Chihuahua, Sonora, Durango, and other parts of Mexico.
Colonial New Mexico was very isolated and had widespread illiteracy, resulting in most New Mexicans of the time having little to no exposure to "standard" Spanish.
This linguistic isolation facilitated New Mexican Spanish's preservation of older vocabulary
[9]
as well as its own innovations.
[12]
During that time, contact with the rest of Spanish America was limited because of the
Comancheria
, and New Mexican Spanish developed closer trading links to the Comanche than to the rest of
New Spain
. In the meantime, some Spanish colonists co-existed with and intermarried with
Puebloan peoples
and
Navajos
, also enemies of the Comanche.
[19]
Like most languages, New Mexican Spanish gradually evolved. As a result the Traditional New Mexican Spanish of the 20th and 21st centuries is not identical to the Spanish of the early colonial period. Many of the changes that occurred in older New Mexican Spanish are reflected in writing.
For example, New Mexican Spanish speakers born before the Pueblo Revolt were generally not
yeistas
; that is, they pronounced the
⟨ll⟩
and
⟨y⟩
sounds differently. After the Pueblo Revolt, New Mexico was re-settled with many new settlers coming in from central Mexico, in addition to returning New Mexican colonists. These new settlers generally did merge the two sounds, and dialect leveling resulted in later generations of New Mexicans consistently merging
/
?
/
and
/
?
/
.
Colonial New Mexican Spanish also adopted some changes which occurred in the rest of the Spanish speaking world, like the elimination of the future subjunctive tense and the second-person forms of address
vuestra merced
and
vuestra senoria
;
while the standard subjunctive form
haya
and the nonstandard form
haiga
of the auxiliary verb
haber
have always coexisted in New Mexican Spanish, the prevalence of the nonstandard
haiga
increased significantly over the colonial period.
Before the middle of the 18th century, there is little evidence of the deletion and occasional epenthesis of
⟨y⟩
and
⟨ll⟩
in contact with front vowels, although that is a characteristic of modern New Mexican and northern Mexican Spanish. The presence of such deletion in areas close and historically connected to New Mexico makes it unlikely that New Mexicans independently developed this feature. Although colonial New Mexico had a very low rate of internal migration, trade connections with Chihuahua were strengthening during this time. Many of the people who moved into New Mexico were traders from Chihuahua, who became socially very prominent. They likely introduced the weakening of
⟨y⟩
and
⟨ll⟩
to New Mexico, where it was adapted by the rest of the community.
New Mexico's 1848 annexation by the U.S. led to a greater exposure to English. Nevertheless, the late-19th-century saw the development of print media, which allowed New Mexican Spanish to resist assimilation toward American English for many decades.
[24]
The 1911
Encyclopædia Britannica
, for instance, noted, "About one-tenth of the Spanish-American and Indian population [of New Mexico] habitually use the English language."
[25]
At the beginning of the 20th century, there was an attempt by both
Anglos
and
Hispanos
to link New Mexico's history and language to Spain rather than Mexico. This led to the occasional use of
vosotros
rather than
ustedes
in some newspaper ads. Since
vosotros
isn't actually part of New Mexican Spanish, in these advertisements it was used interchangeably with
ustedes
, occasionally with both being used in the same ad. That artificial usage differs drastically from the natural usage of
vosotros
in Spain.
[26]
After 1917, Spanish usage in the public sphere began to decline and it was banned in schools, with students often being punished for speaking the language.
This punishment was occasionally physical.
[14]
Newspapers published in Spanish switched to English or went out of business.
[28]
From then on, Spanish became a language of home and community. The advance of English-language broadcast media accelerated the decline. Since then, New Mexican Spanish has been undergoing a
language shift
, with Hispanos gradually shifting towards English.
[29]
In addition, New Mexican Spanish faces pressure from
Standard
and
Mexican Spanish
. Younger generations tend to use more Anglicisms and Mexican and standard Spanish forms. The words most characteristic of Traditional New Mexican Spanish, with few exceptions, are less likely to be found in the speech of young people.
This is in part due to language attrition. The decline in Spanish exposure in the home creates a vacuum, into which "English and Mexican Spanish flow easily."
[31]
The first dictionary of New Mexican Spanish was published in 1983 by
Ruben Cobos
, with a second edition released in 2003.
[7]
Into the 21st century, the Traditional New Mexican Spanish of northern New Mexico, including
Albuquerque
, has been heavily influenced by Mexican Spanish, incorporating numerous Mexicanisms, while at the same time retaining some archaisms characteristic of traditional New Mexican Spanish. The use of Mexicanisms is most prominent in Albuquerque and
Santa Fe
, compared to other areas in the north.
[14]
Some older Spanish speakers have noted Mexican immigrants showing surprise at non-immigrants speaking Spanish. In Albuquerque, the use of Mexicanisms correlates only with age, with younger speakers, regardless of their parents' background, being more likely to use Mexicanisms.
[15]
As of 2023, the last generation of native speakers have kept TNMS alive largely as a
sacred language
, with many traditional devotions and prayers being in Spanish,
[33]
and many native speakers are actively using the language with their children.
[34]
Geographic distribution
[
edit
]
New Mexican Spanish refers to the Spanish varieties spoken throughout the state of New Mexico and in the southern portion of Colorado; the label is applied to southern Colorado due to it having historically been part of New Mexico until statehood in 1876, and because most Spanish-speaking Coloradoans in the area trace their ancestry to Spanish-speaking New Mexican settlers.
Dialects
[
edit
]
There are two main Spanish dialects in New Mexico and southern Colorado.
One is what Bills and Vigil call Traditional New Mexican Spanish (abbreviated TNMS),
spoken in the northern and central parts of the region, whose speakers generally represent early colonial settlement. TNMS has been the subject of extensive study.
Despite TNMS' distinctiveness, it does fit into a Mexican "macro-dialect" due to its historical origins and features, and has been called "an offshoot of the Spanish of northern Mexico".
The other has been called Border Spanish, found in the southern third of New Mexico plus the
Grants
area in northwestern New Mexico and
Crowley
and
Otero County, Colorado
along the
Arkansas River
in southeastern Colorado.
Although it is primarily the result of 20th-century Mexican immigration and its speakers typically have closer contact with Mexican Spanish,
some Border Spanish speakers have ancestry in the region dating back hundreds of years.
[44]
Both of these varieties contain various sub-dialects,
although the Traditional area has greater variation between different communities,
and it also has high
idiolectal
variation within the same community. This variation is a consequence of both historical isolation and the modern language shift towards English.
The biggest dialect division within Traditional New Mexican Spanish, identified by Bills and Vigil on the basis of
lexicon
, is between the
Rio Arriba
or upper river dialect and the rest of TNMS. This corresponds to the colonial separation between the
Rio Arriba
and the
Rio Abajo
, or lower river.
The dialect boundary is an approximately east-west line running through Santa Fe.
The
Rio Arriba
dialect includes a North Central dialect in the middle portion of the
Rio Arriba
dialect's area
and a Northeastern dialect in its eastern portion.
TNMS also has a less clear-cut West Central dialect centered around the southwest of Albuquerque.
There also exists regional phonological variation within TNMS. For example, syllable-initial
/s/
-aspiration, while occurring throughout New Mexico and Southern Colorado, is particularly notable along the upper Rio Grande between Albuquerque and
Taos
.
Although the Spanish of Albuquerque has traditionally been considered part of the Traditional area, the high presence of Mexicanisms in Albuquerque Spanish has led some to consider it to constitute a third dialect zone, between Traditional and Border Spanish.
[15]
In fact, the use of Mexicanisms is widespread across the Traditional Spanish zone, especially in
Albuquerque
and
Santa Fe
and among the younger generations.
[14]
Some diversity in Border Spanish is to be expected, given the continuous Hispanic presence in southern New Mexico since the colonial period, and the movement of some Traditional Spanish speakers to south of Las Cruces after the Mexican-American War. One sub-dialect of Border Spanish, identified by Bills and Vigil based on lexical criteria, can be found in the southwestern corner of the state, including
Dona Ana County
and the areas to its west. This is the region closest to the border with Mexico. The southwestern sub-dialect is characterized by a number of word choices, all but one of which are typical of Mexican Spanish usage. For example, while most of New Mexico uses the term
bolsa
for 'purse', and the
Rio Arriba
area north of Santa Fe uses
maleta
, while the southwestern corner of New Mexico uses the standard
cartera
.
Also, southwestern New Mexico tends to use
la craca
for 'cracker', while the rest of New Mexico tends to use
el craque
. Forms with
galleta
'cookie', such as
galleta de sal
'salt cookie', are found throughout New Mexico.
Grammar
[
edit
]
Comparison of New Mexican and Southern Colorado Spanish with Standard Spanish
[7]
New Mexico & S. Colorado Spanish
|
Standard Spanish
|
Past participle of
-ar
verbs is
-ao/-ada
|
Past participle of
-ar
verbs is
-ado/-ada
|
Haber:
ha
, has, ha,
hamos
, han
+ past participle
Present subjunctive:
haiga
+ past participle
ex:
Yo ha oido.
(I have heard.)
Yo dudo que haiga agua alli.
(I doubt there is water there.)
|
Haber: he, has, ha, hemos, han
+ past participle
Present subjunctive:
haya
+ past participle
ex:
Yo he oido.
Yo dudo que haya agua alli.
|
2nd person preterite:
-astes, -istes
or
-ates, ites
hablates (hablastes), comites (comistes), vivites (vivistes)
|
2nd person preterite:
-aste, -iste
ex:
hablaste, comiste, viviste
|
Nosotros
ending
-emos
for present and
-imos
for past
-er/-ir
ex:
Todos los dias venemos.
(We come every day.)
Ayer no venimos.
(We did not come yesterday.)
|
Nosotros
ending
-emos/-imos
for
-er/-ir
Standard ex:
morimos, sentimos, salimos
NM-CO ex:
muremos, sintemos, salemos
|
First person plural forms:
-nos
endings
Pres. subj.:
hablenos, bebanos, vivanos
Note the accent shift
ex:
Papa no quiere que bebanos.
(Dad doesn't want us to drink.)
Imperfect indicative:
hablabanos, bebianos, vivianos
|
First person plural forms:
Pres. subj.:
hablemos, bebamos, vivamos
ex:
Papa no quiere que bebamos.
Imp. indic.:
hablabamos, bebiamos, viviamos
|
The Spanish spoken in New Mexico and Southern Colorado has a complex relationship with the
norma culta
or educated norm of standard Spanish grammar. New Mexican Spanish speakers are generally aware of and express preference for standard Mexican Spanish norms, although they often break these norms in daily conversation, and prefer
salemos
and
pidimos
to the standard
salimos
'we leave' and
pedimos
'we request'.
That said, New Mexican Spanish, especially the Traditional variety, is known for a large number of nonstandard forms.
Use of such forms is not universal, usually correlates negatively with education,
[57]
and the most characteristic traits of Traditional New Mexican Spanish are generally more common among older speakers.
The following is a list of some characteristics of Traditional New Mexican Spanish's morphology, many of which are also found in Border Spanish:
- The second person preterite endings can be
-astes, -istes
or
-ates, -ites
instead of the standard
-aste, -iste
.
[7]
The
-astes, -istes
forms are found throughout the Spanish-speaking world, while the
-ates, -ites
forms are much more rare.
- Use of alternate strong preterite forms such as:
- Widespread use of the older
vide, vido
for standard
vi, vio
. This usage shows little regional patterning, being found in both Border Spanish and Traditional New Mexican Spanish. Instead, these nonstandard forms correlate negatively with exposure to
standard Spanish
and are less used by younger people.
- Widespread use of the regularized
-jieron
ending instead of
-jeron
, as in
trajieron
for
trajeron
, 'they brought'. This also shows little regional patterning.
- Less widespread use of the
truj-
stem of
traer
, 'to bring' in the preterite, resulting in
trujieron
. The
truj-
stem is strongly associated with TNMS rather than border areas, and is more stigmatized than the regularized suffix
-jieron
.
- Extension of
vowel raising
in those
stem-changing verbs
which already have it. They have the raised stem vowel
-i-
or
-u-
in any unstressed position, including the infinitive. Diphthongization in stressed positions is preserved. Examples:
- Durmir
instead of
dormir
, 'to sleep'.
Duermo
, 'I sleep', the standard first person present with diphthongization, is used in Traditional New Mexican Spanish.
- Dicir
instead of
decir
, 'to say'.
- Subjunctive present of
haber
is often
haiga
, instead of
haya
.
[7]
This is common in non-standard Spanish varieties.
- Generalization of the
ha-
root to the first person in forms of
haber
as an auxiliary verb, instead of
he-
: "
nosotros
hamos
comido
," instead of "
nosotros
hemos
comido
," "
yo
ha
comido" instead of "yo
he
comido
."
[7]
This appears to be a more recent development, as younger and less-educated speakers are more likely to use it. It's found across New Mexico and Southern Colorado.
- The plural forms of words which end in a stressed vowel, such as
papa
and
cafe
, are often formed with the suffix
-ses
instead of the standard
-s
. This is widespread in colloquial Spanish.
- The word
decia
'he/she/it/they said' is often pronounced like it were
dejia
or
dijia
, like
[de?xi.a]
or
[di?xi.a]
rather than
[de?si.a]
. This differs from the phonological trait where the
s
sound can be
aspirated
, or pronounced like an H, which is also present throughout New Mexico and southern Colorado.
Peculiar verb forms
[
edit
]
While many of the characteristics of Traditional New Mexican Spanish morphology are also characteristic of popular Spanish worldwide, some are more peculiar. All of these more peculiar verb forms are also found in rural Jalisco and Guanajuato, and some of these forms may also be found in Chihuahua, Durango, and Sonora, which were historically connected to New Mexico, as well as Tlaxcala. Also, all of these, with the exception of the
-mos
to
-nos
shift, are also found in
Chilote Spanish
in the south of Chile, and several others are found in various other Spanish dialects throughout the world.
These include:
- In TNMS, imperfect conjugations of
-er
and
-ir
verbs whose stems end in vowels end in
-iba
, with the preceding
-i-
diphthongized into the previous vowel, as in:
caiban
vs.
caian
,
traiba
vs.
traia
,
creiban
vs
creian
.
Bills & Vigil (2008)
view this as a retention from Latin, while
Sanz (2009)
views this as the result of a morphological analogy with other forms with a
-b-
in them.
Sanz (2009)
also argues that, since this
-b-
only appears after vowel-final roots, there is little evidence of etymological preservation.
- TNMS has a change from
-mos
to
-nos
in the first-person plural (
nosotros
) endings with
antepenultimate stress
, as in the past subjunctive, imperfect, and conditional tenses, ie:
nos banabamos
to
nos banabanos
,
nos banaramos
to
nos banaranos
,
nos banariamos
to
nos banarianos
, under the influence of the
clitic
nos
. This also occurs in the
present subjunctive
, with a shift of stress, as in
nos banenos
.
[7]
- In
stem-changing verbs
where the stressed stem vowel
diphthongizes
, this results in the usual diphthongization, ie.
duermanos
for
durmamos
,
pierdanos
for
perdamos
.
- The second-person preterite forms
-ates, -ites
alongside the more widespread
-astes, -istes
and the standard
-aste, -iste
.
- Nosotros
ending
-emos
for present and
-imos
for past in
-er/-ir
verbs.
[7]
In standard
Spanish conjugation
, verbs ending in
-ir
are conjugated
-imos
in both the present and preterite tenses, while verbs ending in
-er
are conjugated
-emos
in the present and
-imos
in the past. Such a merger helps speakers to distinguish the present from the preterite.
An example of this change would be
salemos
for 'we leave', from the
-ir
verb
salir
. A merger of the
-er
verbs conjugations' into those of the
-ir
verbs is found in Chilote Spanish.
- Non-standard
-g-
in many verb roots, such as
creiga
,
juigo
,
vaiga
.
Also, epenthetic
-g-
in
aire
and related words is found in TNMS.
Also, although not part of verbal morphology, Traditional New Mexican Spanish often turns the clitic
nos
into
los
.
This quite uncommon change is also found in Chilote Spanish, but not in rural Mexico.
Some of these forms were, until recently, present in major cities. For example,
creiga
and
-ates, -ites
was documented among the lower class of
Bogota
in the middle of the 19th century, and
-ates, -ites
was present in Mexico City's lower class speech in the late 1800s. This shows that social exclusion and marginalization, as well as geographical remoteness, can help to preserve such nonstandard forms.
All of these variants have been documented in rural areas of western Spain, such as in Leon, Salamanca, western Andalucia, and Extremadura, and they seem to have been more widespread in the past. These same western regions of Spain were also the origin of many
conquistadors
who settled the Americas and who may have brought these dialect traits to various regions.
These features may also be widespread because of ease of acquisitions in contact situations. That is, if various speakers of different dialects come together in a single area, those grammatical forms which are easiest to acquire may become dominant over time. The prevalence of these forms in
Judaeo-Spanish
varieties seems to support that hypothesis, since Judaeo-Spanish varieties typically had much heavier input from eastern
Ibero-Romance
dialects.
English influence
[
edit
]
Many features of New Mexican Spanish are shared with the Spanish spoken throughout the United States, as a result of
language contact
with English. For example,
llamar para atras
for 'to call back' and other such seemingly-calqued expressions with
pa(ra a)tras
are widespread.
In expressions where use of the
subjunctive mood
is considered obligatory according to
prescriptive
grammar norms, New Mexicans with greater proficiency in Spanish and greater education in Spanish are more likely to actually use the subjunctive. However, it is worth noting that even in monolingual Spanish varieties, such as that of Mexico City, speakers do not always use the subjunctive mood in such supposedly obligatory situations.
[75]
Phonology
[
edit
]
The pronunciation of Spanish in New Mexico is generally "akin to that of northern Mexico",
and shares the same general intonation patterns as northern Mexico.
[77]
It shows the following general traits:
- New Mexican Spanish has
seseo
, meaning that orthographic
⟨c⟩
before
/e/
and
/i/
,
⟨z⟩
, and
⟨s⟩
represent a single phoneme, normally pronounced
[
s
]
. That is,
casa
("house") and
caza
("hunt") are homophones. A
dental
pronunciation of
/s/
is at least occasionally found in rural northern New Mexico, as well as in rural areas of northern Mexico like Chihuahua and Sonora.
Seseo
is prevalent in nearly all of Spanish America, in the
Canary Islands
, and some of southern Spain, where the linguistic feature originates.
- New Mexican Spanish, like nearly all Spanish dialects, is
yeista
. The sound represented by
⟨ll⟩
has merged with that represented by
⟨y⟩
, and both are now pronounced like an
approximant
[
j
]
, like the English y sound in "yes".
Before the Pueblo Revolt and subsequent reconquest of New Mexico, New Mexican Spanish actually distinguished the
⟨ll⟩
and
⟨y⟩
sounds, but
dialect leveling
resulted in the spread of this merger.
- /
x
/
, the phoneme represented by
⟨j⟩
and by
⟨g⟩
before
⟨i⟩
and
⟨e⟩
, is most frequently pronounced as a
voiceless velar fricative
[x]
but may also be a
voiceless glottal fricative
[h]
or a
voiceless uvular fricative
[χ]
.
[82]
The following tendencies are common in Traditional New Mexican Spanish, though are not universal, and many are characteristic of Border Spanish or colloquial Spanish worldwide:
Feature
|
Example
|
Phonemic
|
Standard
|
N.M. Spanish
|
Phrase-final epenthetical
[e]
or
[i]
[83]
[84]
after an
alveolar consonant
[12]
|
voy a cantar
|
/?boi
a
kan?ta?/
|
[?boj
a
kan?ta?]
|
[?boj
a
kan?ta
?e
]
|
dame el papel
|
/?dame
el
pa?pel/
|
[?dam(e)
el
pa?pel]
|
[?damelpa?pe
li
]
|
Conditional elision of intervocalic
/
?
/
.
[a]
[84]
|
ella
|
/?e?a/
|
[?e?a]
,
|
[?
e.a
]
|
estrellita
|
/est?e??ita/
|
[est?e??ita]
|
[est?
e?i
ta]
|
Insertion of
[j]
between vowels.
[b]
|
sea
|
/?sea/
|
[?sea]
|
[?se
j
a]
|
/
?
/
may be an alveolar approximant
[
?
]
before alveolar consonants,
or after
/t/
[84]
|
carne
|
/?ka?ne/
|
[?ka?ne]
|
[?ka
?
ne]
|
letra
|
/?let?a/
|
[?let?a]
|
[?le
t?
a]
|
"Softening" (deaffrication) of
/
t?
/
to
/
?
/
[c]
[84]
|
muchachos
|
/mu?t?at?os/
|
[mu?t?at?os]
|
[mu?
?
a
?
os]
|
Elision of intervocalic
/d/
, especially in
-ado
[d]
[84]
|
ocupado
|
/oku?pado/
|
[oku?paðo]
|
[oku?p
a.o
]
|
[oku?p
aw
]
|
todo
|
/?todo/
|
[?toðo]
|
[?t
o.o
]
~
[?t
o
]
|
Occasional elision of
intervocalic
/b,
g/
or initial
/b/
|
trabajo
|
/t?a?baxo/
|
[t?a?βaxo]
|
[?t?aːho]
|
haga
|
/?a?a/
|
[?a?a]
|
[?aː]
|
vamos
|
/?bamos/
|
[?bamos]
|
[?amos]
|
Aspiration of
/
f
/
, typically before
/w/
.
[e]
[82]
[94]
|
me fui
|
/me
?fui/
|
[me
?fwi]
|
[me
?
h
wi]
|
[m
e
?w
i]
|
[me
?'
x
wi]
|
Velarization of prevelar consonant
voiced bilabial approximant
|
abuelo
|
/a?buelo/
|
[a?βwelo]
|
[a?
?
welo]
|
Syllable-initial or syllable-final
aspiration or elision of
/s/
[f]
[g]
[84]
[94]
[96]
|
somos asi
|
/?somos
a?si/
|
[?somos
a?si]
|
[?
h
omos
a?
h
i]
|
[?somo
h
a?si]
|
[?som
o
a
?si]
|
[?
h
omo
h
a?
h
i]
|
Word-initial h aspiration in some words, as
[x]
,
[h]
, or
[χ]
[h]
[82]
[94]
|
humo
|
/?umo/
|
[?umo]
|
[?
h
umo]
|
[?
x
umo]
|
[?
χ
umo]
|
Replacement of the trill
[
r
]
by the tap
[
?
]
[i]
|
Rodrigo
|
/ro?d?i?o/
|
[ro?ð?i?o]
|
[
?
o?ð?i?o]
|
Raising of final unstressed
/e/
|
noche
|
/?not?e/
|
[?not?e]
|
[?not?
i
]
|
General confusion between unstressed
/e/
and
/i/
|
vestido
|
/bes?tido/
|
[bes?tiðo]
|
[b
i
s?tiðo]
|
visita
|
/bi?sita/
|
[bi?sita]
|
[b
e
?sita]
|
Intervocalic
/b/
pronounced as
[v]
[j]
[k]
[101]
|
caballo
|
/?kaba?o/
|
[?kaβa?o]
|
[?ka
v
a?o]
|
Words ending in
-ia
sometimes becoming
oxytone
in colloquial speech
|
parecia
|
/pa?e?si.a/
|
[pa?e?si.a]
|
[pa?e?sja]
|
There is considerable variability in the pronunciation of Spanish
rhotics
in New Mexico. In addition to the realization of the tapped
/?/
as
[?]
before coronal consonants or after
/t/
and the replacement of the trilled
/r/
with a tap,
Vigil (2008)
has found that in
Taos
/r/
is often realized as a voiced apical alveolar fricative
[
??
]
.
Northern New Mexican Spanish, like Spanish in general, tends to avoid
hiatus
by combining or deleting vowels. One notable feature of hiatus resolution in northern New Mexico is the tendency to delete the initial
/e/
of words beginning in
/es/
before a consonant, such as
estar
,
escribir
,
espanol
. Thus,
no escribo
, 'I don't write', is pronounced
[nos?k?ivo]
. It has been suggested that this behavior may be explained by the initial
/e/
in these words being
prosthetic
, not present in their
underlying representations
. Thus, the vowel at the end of the preceding word fills in the vowel slot before
/sC-/
cluster, and no
/e/
needs to be added.
[105]
Traditional New Mexican Spanish has a number of
syllabic consonants
.
[107]
A syllabic
[m?]
can arise as the result of
mi
or
un
before a
bilabial consonant
, as in
un beso
'a kiss'
[m??beso]
or
mi papa
'my dad'
[m?pa?pa]
.
/m/
,
/n/
and
/l/
can also become syllabic before a sequence of
/i/
followed by a
coronal consonant
. These often, but not always, occur before the diminutive endings
-ito
and
-ita
. Some examples are
Anita
[a?n?ta]
,
permiso
'permission'
[per?m?so]
, and
bolita
'little ball'
[bo?l?ta]
. Finally, a syllabic
/
r
/
appears, but only before
/it/
, as in
burrito
[bu?r?to]
.
[107]
For many speakers of TNMS the syllabic
m?
derived from
mi
has acquired an
epenthetic
-/e/
, becoming
[em]
. This is often reflected in writing, as
em papa
or
empapa
.
The
vowel system
in Albuquerque shows some influence from English, especially in the form of
/u/
-
fronting
. While New Mexican Spanish lacks the strong
vowel reduction and centralization characteristic of English
, children from Albuquerque do realize their unstressed vowels in a smaller vowel space.
[109]
Vocabulary
[
edit
]
| This section
needs expansion
. You can help by
adding to it
.
(
November 2021
)
|
One of the most notable characteristics of Traditional New Mexican Spanish is its vocabulary. New Mexican Spanish has retained a lot of older vocabulary, or common vocabulary with older meanings, that has been lost in other Spanish varieties.
[9]
This is one of the reasons that it has often been called "archaic". It has also developed a large amount of unique vocabulary,
[12]
inherited many Nahuatl loanwords from Mexican Spanish,
[11]
and taken in more loanwords from neighboring indigenous languages and from English.
[13]
New Mexican Spanish retains many older variants of common
function words
no longer current in standard Spanish, such as
asina
for
asi
, 'like this/that',
cuasi
for
casi
, 'almost',
muncho
for
mucho
, 'a lot of; many',
naide
or
nadien
for
nadie
and
onde
for
donde
, 'where'.
Many of these terms are found in the colloquial speech of other regions as well.
[112]
Asina
and
ansina
are more often used instead of
asi
when the speaker is talking about some activity related to a traditional, rural way of life. The variant
ansi
is also occasionally used in northern New Mexico, but it is much less frequent than the other ways.
[113]
TNMS has also retained many
content words
that have been lost in other varieties. For example, TNMS retains the word
ansara
, meaning '
goose
'.
ansara
is a feminine form of the term
ansar
, which referred to wild geese, while
ganso
referred to the domesticated goose. That distinction seems to no longer be made, and
ganso
has become the typical term throughout most of the Spanish-speaking world.
The term
ansara
is also retained in
Zwolle-Ebarb Spanish
.
Independent
lexical innovations
have occurred in TNMS. One example is the coining of
raton volador
lit.
'
flying mouse
'
to mean '
bat
'. Also found in New Mexico is the standard term,
murcielago
, and a
murciegalo
variant.
Murciegalo
may be a retention of the original form, before
metathesis
switched the
l
and the
g
, or it may be a metathesized variant of the standard form.
The standard form, and
murciegalo
, are mainly found in the Border Spanish area, in Albuquerque and Santa Fe, and along the
Arkansas River
in Colorado.
Several definite examples of metathesis have occurred in New Mexican Spanish:
estogamo
from
estomago
'stomach',
idomia
from
idioma
'language',
pader
from
pared
'wall',
probe
from
pobre
'poor' and
redetir
from
derretir
'to melt'.
While throughout the Spanish-speaking world,
trucha
means 'trout', throughout much of northern New Mexico and southern Colorado,
trucha
is used to refer to fish in general, instead of the standard
pescado
'caught fish' or
pez
'live fish'. This extension is generally found in the areas north of, and including, Santa Fe and
San Miguel County
. The verb
truchear
, literally 'to trout', is also used in this area to mean 'to fish', as are other verbal expressions such as
pescar trucha
,
ir a la trucha
,
andar en la trucha
, and
cazar trucha
.
New Mexican Spanish, including both the Traditional and the Border varieties, has also regularized the gender of some nouns, such as
idioma
'language' and
sistema
"system". That is, many speakers treat them as feminine, even though they are normatively considered masculine nouns.
Residents of
Martineztown
, Albuquerque in the early 80s viewed the feminine form,
la sistema
, as slightly more correct than the traditional masculine.
The regularization of feminine gender to nouns ending in
-a
has been expanding to younger generations.
After 1848, New Mexican Spanish has had to adopt or coin its own terms for new technological developments. One such development is the invention of the automobile. Like much of Latin America, New Mexico extended the meaning of
carro
'cart' to include cars. Traditional New Mexican Spanish also ended up extending the term
arrear
, which referred to driving animals, to include driving cars, although the standard
manejar
is most common across New Mexico and southern Colorado. This is the same solution that was chosen in English,
and in the
Zwolle-Ebarb dialect
.
The word
telefon
, a loanword for 'telephone', is also used across New Mexico and southern Colorado, with little geographical patterning, being found as far south as Las Cruces. More educated speakers tend to use the standard
telefono
.
The word
oso
'bear' is occasionally pronounced
joso
in TNMS, with the nonstandard form being more common among old people.
Language contact
[
edit
]
| This section
needs expansion
. You can help by
adding to it
.
(
June 2008
)
|
New Mexican Spanish has been in contact with several indigenous American languages, most prominently those of the Pueblo and Navajo peoples with whom the Spaniards and Mexicans coexisted in colonial times.
[10]
For centuries, Hispanics had hostile relations with the Navajo and other nomadic peoples, such as the
Apache
. As a result, New Mexican Spanish has borrowed few terms from their languages.
Cobos (2003)
gives only two examples of loans from Navajo:
chihuil
'small valley' and
josquere
, as in the phrase
andar en el josquere
'to be sowing one's wild oats'.
[124]
The term
gileno
, referring to the Gila Apache, is cited as a loan from an
Apache language
.
In the opposite direction, Navajo, which typically doesn't adopt many loanwords, has borrowed some terms from Spanish as well. For example, the Navajo terms for "money" (
beeso
) and "Anglo" (
bilagaana
) are borrowings from Spanish
peso
and
americano
respectively.
[125]
Hispanic contact with the Puebloans was much closer, though linguistic contact was somewhat uneven. Most of the bilinguals who mediated between Hispanics and Puebloans were themselves Puebloans since few Hispanics spoke a Pueblo language. As a result, Puebloan languages borrowed many words from Spanish, while New Mexican Spanish borrowed fewer words from Pueblo languages.
[126]
For an example of loanword phonological borrowing in
Taos
, see
Taos loanword phonology
.
Most Puebloan loanwords in New Mexican Spanish have to do with people and place names, cultural artifacts, foods, and plants and herbs.
[127]
One such loan is the term
cunque
, which comes from either a
Zuni
word for "bits of ground corn or cornmeal used for ceremonial purposes" or a
Rio Grande Tewa
term for grains of corn. It's most commonly used to mean "coffee grounds". This usage is also attested in northern
Chihuahua
. It's also used to mean "crumbs" by speakers from south-western New Mexico, although speakers elsewhere prefer the standard
migajas
.
New Mexico came into contact with the
French language
in the early 18th century due to interactions with French
Fur trappers
and traders. These interactions increased after Mexican independence.
Some family names, such as Archibeque, Gurule, and Tixier, are attributable to French influence.
New Mexican Spanish has otherwise borrowed few words from French, though two prominent ones are
puela
,
meaning "skillet", and
chamuz
,
meaning "slipper".
The only other Spanish variety where
puela
is used is the Brule variety of
Isleno Spanish
, which has been greatly influenced by French.
The term
pantufla
is also used in New Mexico for "slipper", but it's associated with the border region, and is widely used across Latin America and Spain.
New Mexican Spanish has also been in substantial contact with
American English
. The contact with American English began before the
Mexican?American War
, when New Mexico did trade with the US,
[28]
and increased after New Mexico's annexation by the US. One effect of this is semantic extension, using Spanish words with the meaning of their English cognates, such as using
realizar
to mean "to realize."
[28]
Contact with English has also led to a general adoption of many loanwords, as well as a language shift towards English with abandonment of Spanish.
[29]
Legal status
[
edit
]
New Mexico law accommodates the use of Spanish. For instance, constitutional amendments must be approved by
referendum
and must be printed on the ballot in both English and Spanish.
[130]
Certain legal notices must be published in English and Spanish, and the state maintains a list of newspapers for Spanish publication.
[131]
Spanish was not used officially in the legislature after 1935.
[132]
Though the New Mexico Constitution (1912) provided that laws would be published in both languages for 20 years and that practice was renewed several times, it ceased in 1949.
[132]
[133]
Accordingly, some describe New Mexico as officially bilingual.
[134]
[135]
Others disagree and say that New Mexico's laws were designed to facilitate a transition from Spanish to English, not to protect Spanish or give it any official status.
See also
[
edit
]
Notes
[
edit
]
- ^
Occurs between
/i/
and another vowel, or after
/e/
and before
/a/
or
/o/
. Y-deletion also occurs in much of northern Mexico and used to be more common there, and in several other dialects.
- ^
Occurs in the same contexts as
/
?
/
-deletion. Occasionally found in northern Mexico
- ^
This is also a feature of the Spanish spoken in the northern Mexican states of
Chihuahua
and
Sonora
, other northwestern states of Mexico, and western
Andalusia
. It is found throughout New Mexico, in both the Traditional and Border dialects.
- ^
This is a feature of many Spanish dialects, both in the Americas and in northern and southern Spain.
- ^
This is related to the
change of Latin /f/- to Spanish /h/-
, in which /f/ was pronounced as a labiodental
[
f
]
, bilabial
[
?
]
, or glottal fricative
[
h
]
, which was later deleted from pronunciation.
- ^
Aspiration is much more common than deletion syllable-initially.
- ^
Many New Mexicans do not aspirate
/s/
, and while syllable-initial
/s/
aspiration is found throughout New Mexico and southern Colorado it is particularly notable along the upper Rio Grande between Albuquerque and Taos.
- ^
This only occurs in a few words, all of which had
/f/
in Latin.
[x]
is the most common realization when word-initial h is pronounced, while
[χ]
is the least common.
- ^
Most often in word-initial position, least often in word-medial position where it's spelt -rr-. This is more advanced in Northern New Mexico.
- ^
Labiodentals occur over 70% of the time in high-frequency words among speakers from northern New Mexico. In low-frequency words they occur slightly less than half the time, and are affected by the word's spelling, being less frequent in words spelled with
⟨b⟩
, especially in those with an English cognate spelled with
⟨b⟩
.
- ^
The labiodental
[v]
was not attested in northern New Mexican Spanish in the early 20th century. Linguists such as
Juan Bautista Rael
and
Aurelio Macedonio Espinosa Sr.
mentioned its absence.
References
[
edit
]
- ^
a
b
c
d
Romero, Simon; Rios, Desiree (2023-04-09).
"New Mexico Is Losing a Form of Spanish Spoken Nowhere Else on Earth"
.
The New York Times
.
ISSN
0362-4331
.
Archived
from the original on 2023-04-10
. Retrieved
2023-04-10
.
- ^
Sando, J.S. (2008).
Pueblo Recollections: The Life of Paa Peh
. Clear Light Pub.
ISBN
978-1-57416-085-7
. Retrieved
June 2,
2024
.
- ^
Iverson, P. (1994).
When Indians Became Cowboys: Native Peoples and Cattle Ranching in the American West
. When Indians Became Cowboys: Native Peoples and Cattle Ranching in the American West. University of Oklahoma Press.
ISBN
978-0-8061-2884-9
. Retrieved
June 2,
2024
.
- ^
Espinosa, A.M. (1913).
Studies in New Mexican Spanish: Morphology
. Sekretariat der "Societe internationale de dialectologie romane" Edmund Siemers Allee
. Retrieved
June 3,
2024
.
- ^
a
b
c
d
e
f
g
h
i
Cobos (2003)
, "Introduction"
- ^
Romero, Simon; Rios, Desiree (2023-04-09).
"New Mexico Is Losing a Form of Spanish Spoken Nowhere Else on Earth"
.
The New York Times
.
ISSN
0362-4331
. Retrieved
2023-04-12
.
- ^
a
b
c
Bills & Vigil (2008)
, pp. 51?74, Ch.5 "Retentions"
- ^
a
b
Bills & Vigil (2008)
, pp. 153?164, Ch.9 "Uneasy Alliances"
- ^
a
b
Bills & Vigil (2008)
, pp. 93?120, Ch.7 "Nahuatlisms"
- ^
a
b
c
d
Bills & Vigil (2008)
, pp. 123?151, Ch.8 "El Nuevo Mexico"
- ^
a
b
Bills & Vigil (2008)
, pp. 165?190, Ch.10 "Anglicisms"
- ^
a
b
c
d
Waltermire, Mark (2020).
"Mexican immigration and the changing face of northern New Mexican Spanish"
.
International Journal of the Linguistic Association of the Southwest
.
34
: 149?164
. Retrieved
26 March
2022
.
- ^
a
b
c
Waltermire, Mark (2017).
"At the dialectal crossroads: The Spanish of Albuquerque, New Mexico"
.
Dialectologia
.
19
: 177?197.
ISSN
2013-2247
.
- ^
Hamalainen, Pekka (2008).
The Comanche Empire
. Yale University Press.
ISBN
978-0-300-12654-9
.
- ^
Great Cotton, Eleanor and John M. Sharp.
Spanish in the Americas
. Georgetown University Press, p. 278.
- ^
Chisholm, Hugh
, ed. (1911).
"New Mexico"
.
Encyclopædia Britannica
. Vol. 19 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press.
- ^
Gubitosi, Patricia; Lifszyc, Irina (September 2020).
"El uso de vosotros como simbolo de identidad en La Bandera Americana, Nuevo Mexico"
(PDF)
.
Glosas
(in Spanish).
9
.
ISSN
2327-7181
.
- ^
a
b
c
Gubitosi, Patricia (2010).
"El espanol de Nuevo Mexico y su uso como lengua publica: 1850-1950"
(PDF)
.
Camino Real. Estudios de las Hispanidades Norteamericanas.
(in Spanish).
- ^
a
b
Bills & Vigil (2008)
, pp. 241?260, Ch.13 "The Long Goodbye"
- ^
Bills & Vigil (2008)
, pp. 258?260, 343
- ^
Dell'orto, Giovanna (2023-05-22).
"New Mexican Spanish, a unique American dialect, survives mostly in prayers"
.
Associated Press
. Retrieved
2023-05-22
.
- ^
"A beloved and unique New Mexican Spanish dialect could be fading away"
.
KUNM
. 2023-04-14
. Retrieved
2024-01-18
.
- ^
Larry Walsh (Producer/Writer), Dr. Denise Wallen (Executive Producer), Dr. Garland Bills, Dr. Neddy Vigil, Dr. Rebecca Benjamin (Advisers) (1995).
Mapa del Corazon
[
Map of the Heart
]. The University of New Mexico.
- ^
Bills & Vigil (2008)
, pp. 261?282, Ch.14 "Expanding Horizons"
- ^
Waltermire, Mark (21 July 2014).
"The social conditioning of mood variation in the Spanish of Albuquerque, New Mexico"
.
Sociolinguistic Studies
.
8
(1): 111?137.
doi
:
10.1558/sols.v8i1.111
. Retrieved
27 March
2022
.
- ^
Lipski, John M.
(2011). "Socio-Phonological Variation in Latin American Spanish". In Diaz-Campos, Manuel (ed.).
The handbook of Hispanic sociolinguistics
. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell. pp. 72?97.
doi
:
10.1002/9781444393446.ch4
.
ISBN
9781405195003
.
- ^
a
b
c
Vigil, Donny (2018).
"Word-initial h Aspiration and the Presence of the Post-velar Fricative [χ] in New Mexico Spanish"
(PDF)
.
Estudios de Fonetica Experimental
.
- ^
Mackenzie, Ian.
"Spanish in the USA"
.
The Linguistics of Spanish
. Retrieved
4 April
2021
.
- ^
a
b
c
d
e
f
Lipski (2008)
, pp. 204?206
- ^
a
b
c
Zepeda Torres, Miguel Angel (2018).
Debuccalization of /s/ and Historic /f/ Variation in Traditional New Mexican Spanish: an Optimality Theory Approach
(PhD). University of California, Davis
. Retrieved
February 4,
2022
.
- ^
Brown, Esther L. (1 December 2005). "New Mexican Spanish: Insight into the Variable Reduction of "La ehe inihial" (/s-/)".
Hispania
.
88
(4): 813?824.
doi
:
10.2307/20063211
.
JSTOR
20063211
.
- ^
Torres Cacoullos, Rena; Ferreira, Fernanda (2000).
"Lexical frequency and voiced labiodental-bilabial variation in New Mexican Spanish"
(PDF)
.
Southwest Journal of Linguistics
.
19
(2): 1?17. Archived from
the original
(PDF)
on 15 January 2022
. Retrieved
15 January
2022
.
- ^
Jenkins, David L. (1999).
Hiatus resolution in Spanish: phonetic aspects and phonological implications from Northern New Mexican data
(PhD). University of New Mexico. p. 26.
- ^
a
b
Lipski, John M.
(1993).
"Syllabic consonants in New Mexico Spanish: the geometry of syllabification"
(PDF)
.
Southwest Journal of Linguistics
.
12
: 109?127.
OCLC
9368210
.
- ^
Lease, Sarah (2022-02-28).
"Spanish in Albuquerque, New Mexico: Spanish-English Bilingual Adults' and Children's Vocalic Realizations"
.
Languages
.
7
(1): 53.
doi
:
10.3390/languages7010053
.
ISSN
2226-471X
.
- ^
Bills & Vigil (2008)
, p. 15
- ^
Aaron, Jessi Elana (September 2009).
"Coming back to life: From indicator to stereotype and a strange story of frequency"
(PDF)
.
Journal of Sociolinguistics
.
13
(4): 472?498.
doi
:
10.1111/j.1467-9841.2009.00421.x
.
- ^
Cobos (2003)
, cited in
Bills & Vigil (2008)
, p. 154
- ^
Young & Morgan (1987)
, p. 7 cited in
Bills & Vigil (2008)
, p. 154
- ^
Bills & Vigil (2008)
, p. 154
- ^
Bills & Vigil (2008)
, p. 155
- ^
New Mexico Code 1-16-7 (1981).
- ^
New Mexico Code 14-11-13 (2011).
- ^
a
b
Mackey, William F. (1983).
"U.S. Language Status Policy and the Canadian Experience"
. In Cobarrubias, Juan;
Fishman, Joshua A.
(eds.).
Progress in Language Planning: International Perspectives
. Walter de Gruyter. p. 195.
ISBN
90-279-3358-8
. Retrieved
2011-12-27
.
- ^
Garcia, Ofelia (2011).
Bilingual Education in the 21st Century: A Global Perspective
. John Wiley & Sons. p. 167.
ISBN
978-1-4443-5978-7
. Retrieved
2011-12-27
.
- ^
The U.S. Commission on Civil Rights.
"Language Rights and New Mexico Statehood"
. New Mexico Public Education Department.
Archived
from the original on June 26, 2013
. Retrieved
July 12,
2011
.
- ^
"NMTCE New Mexico Teachers of English"
. New Mexico Council of Teachers of English
. Retrieved
July 12,
2011
.
[
not specific enough to verify
]
Sources
[
edit
]
- Bills, Garland D. (1997). "New Mexican Spanish: Demise of the Earliest European Variety in the United States".
American Speech
.
72
(2): 154?171.
doi
:
10.2307/455787
.
ISSN
0003-1283
.
JSTOR
455787
.
- Bills, Garland D.; Vigil, Neddy A. (16 December 2008).
The Spanish Language of New Mexico and Southern Colorado: A Linguistic Atlas
. University of New Mexico Press.
ISBN
9780826345516
.
- Cobos, Ruben (1983).
Dictionary of New Mexico and Southern Colorado Spanish
(1st ed.). University of New Mexico Press.
ISBN
0-89013-142-2
.
- Cobos, Ruben (2003).
A Dictionary of New Mexico & Southern Colorado Spanish
(2nd ed.). Museum of New Mexico Press.
ISBN
0-89013-452-9
.
- Espinosa, Aurelio Macedonio
(1909).
Studies in New-Mexican Spanish: Phonology
. Retrieved
13 April
2021
.
- Hills, E. C. (1906). "New-Mexican Spanish".
PMLA
.
21
(3).
Modern Language Association
: 706?753.
doi
:
10.2307/456770
.
JSTOR
456770
.
S2CID
164108313
.
- Kravitz, Leslie Merryl (1985).
Sociolinguistic Perspectives on Decisions of Correctness in New Mexico Spanish
(PhD)
. Retrieved
January 8,
2022
.
- Lipski, John M.
(2008).
Varieties of Spanish in the United States
. Georgetown University Press.
ISBN
9781589016514
. Retrieved
4 April
2021
.
- Lipski, John M.
(2016).
"Spanish vocalic epenthesis: the phonetics of sonority and the mora"
(PDF)
. In Nunez-Cedeno, Rafael A. (ed.).
The Syllable and Stress: Studies in Honor of James W. Harris
. Berlin/Boston: De Gruyter Mouton. pp. 245?269.
doi
:
10.1515/9781614515975-010
.
ISBN
9781614517368
. Retrieved
January 1,
2022
.
- Lozano, Anthony G. (1994). "San Luis Valley Lexicon: Relics and Innovations".
Confluencia
.
9
(2): 121?127.
ISSN
0888-6091
.
JSTOR
27922222
.
- Miller, Wick R. (1959). "Spanish Loanwords in Acoma: I".
International Journal of American Linguistics
.
25
(3). The University of Chicago Press: 147?153.
doi
:
10.1086/464521
.
JSTOR
1263789
.
S2CID
222527399
.
- Miller, Wick R. (1960). "Spanish Loanwords in Acoma: II".
International Journal of American Linguistics
.
26
(1). The University of Chicago Press: 41?49.
doi
:
10.1086/464552
.
JSTOR
1263730
.
S2CID
224808846
.
- Ross, L. Ronald (1980). "La Supresion de /y/ en el Espanol Chicano".
Hispania
(in Spanish).
63
(3): 552?554.
doi
:
10.2307/341016
.
JSTOR
341016
.
- Sanchez, Rosaura
(1982). "Our linguistic and social context". In Amastae, Jon; Elias-Olivares, Lucia (eds.).
Spanish in the United States: Sociolinguistic Aspects
. Cambridge University Press. pp. 9?46.
- Sanz, Israel (2009).
The Diachrony of New Mexican Spanish, 1683-1926: Philology, Corpus Linguistics and Dialect Change
(PhD). University of California, Berkeley.
ProQuest
193999397
.
- Sanz, Israel; Villa, Daniel J. (2011).
"The Genesis of Traditional New Mexican Spanish: The Emergence of a Unique Dialect in the Americas"
.
Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics
.
4
(2): 417?442.
doi
:
10.1515/shll-2011-1107
.
S2CID
163620325
. Retrieved
13 April
2021
.
- Silva-Corvalan, Carmen
; Enrique-Arias, Andres (2001). "Lengua, variacion y dialectos".
Sociolinguistica y pragmatica del espanol
(in Spanish). Georgetown University Press. pp. 1?37.
ISBN
9781626163966
.
- Spencer, Robert F. (1947). "Spanish Loanwords in Keresan".
Southwestern Journal of Anthropology
.
3
(2). The University of Chicago Press: 130?146.
doi
:
10.1086/soutjanth.3.2.3628729
.
JSTOR
3628729
.
S2CID
164169397
.
- Vergara Wilson, Damian (June 2015).
"A Panorama of Traditional New Mexican Spanish"
.
Informes del Observatorio / Observatorio Reports
.
doi
:
10.15427/OR012-06/2015EN
.
- Vigil, Donny (2008).
The traditional Spanish of Taos, New Mexico: Acoustic, phonetic and phonological analyses
(PhD). Purdue University.
- Waltermire, Mark; Valtierrez, Mayra (2017).
"The trill isn't gone: Rhotic variation in southern New Mexican Spanish"
.
Journal of the Linguistic Association of the Southwest
.
32
(2): 133?161.
- Young, Robert W.
; Morgan, William Sr. (1987).
The Navajo Language: A grammar and colloquial dictionary
(Revised ed.). Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press.
ISBN
9780826310149
.
|
---|
Indigenous
| |
---|
European
| |
---|
Other
| |
---|
|