The
1980s
(pronounced "nineteen-eighties", shortened to "
the 80s
" or "
the Eighties
") was a
decade
that began 1 January 1980 and ended 31 December 1989.
The decade, known as the
Excellence Eighties
and the
Moderation Decade
, saw a dominance of
conservatism
and
free market
economics
, and a socioeconomic change due to advances in
technology
and a worldwide move away from
planned economies
and towards
laissez-faire capitalism
compared to the
1970s
.
Quotes
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]
- Did it have to come to this? The paradox is that when
Europe
was less united, it was in many ways more
independent
. The leaders who ruled in the early stages of
integration
had all been formed in a world before the global hegemony of the
United States
, when the major European states were themselves
imperial powers
, whose
foreign policies
were self-determined. These were people who had lived through the disasters of the
Second World War
, but were not crushed by them. This was true not just of a figure like
De Gaulle
, but of
Adenauer
and
Mollet
, of
Eden
and
Heath
, all of whom were quite prepared to ignore or defy America if their ambitions demanded it.
Monnet
, who did not accept their national assumptions, and never clashed with the US, still shared their sense of a future in which Europeans could settle their own affairs, in another fashion. Down into the
1970s
, something of this spirit lived on even in
Giscard
and
Schmidt
, as
Carter
discovered. But with the
neo-liberal
turn of the 1980s, and the arrival in power in the 1990s of a
postwar generation
, it faded. The new economic doctrines cast doubt on the state as a political agent, and the new leaders had never known anything except the
Pax Americana
. The traditional springs of autonomy were gone.
- Perry Anderson
, "Depicting Europe",
London Review of Books
(20 September 2007)
- What was really so bad about the ‘80s was an excess of personal
freedom
. [...] Think of gridlock on the freeway: everybody free to drive but nobody able to move. The trick will be finding the courage to give up a little individual freedom so that all of us can be freer together--of the consequences of neglected children, for example. That is a tall order; the campaign season that just ended showed how adept
our political system
has become at telling us what we want to hear. What we don’t want to hear about, especially those of us who can afford it most, is sacrifice.
- Daniel Akst, The Real ‘80s : If You Think It Was Just a Decade of Greed, You Missed the Revolution,
Los Angeles Times
, 13th November 1994
- Who ever decided that Americans were so bad off in the
seventies
anyway? From the
right-wing
revisionist
propaganda
that has become accepted as fact, you'd think that Americans under
President Carter
were suffering through something like the worst of the
Weimar Republic
combined with the
Siege of Leningrad
. The truth is that on a
macroeconomic
level, the difference between the Carter era and the
Reagan era
was minimal. For instance,
economic growth
during the Carter Administration averaged 2.8 percent annually, while under
Reagan
, from 1982 to 1989,
growth
averaged 3.2 percent. Was it really worth killing ourselves over that extra .4 percent of growth? For a lucky few, yes. On the other key economic gauge,
unemployment
, the Carter years were actually better than Reagan's, averaging 6.7 percent annually during his "malaise-stricken" term as compared to an average 7.3 percent
unemployment
rate during the glorious eight-year reign of Ronald Reagan. Under Carter, people worked less, got far more benefits, and the country grew almost the same average annual rate as Reagan. On the other hand, according to the Statistical Abstract of the United States for 1996, under Reagan life got worse for those who had it worse: the number of people below the
poverty
line increased in almost every year from 1981 (31.8 million) to 1992 (39.3 million). And yet, we are told America was in decline until Reagan came to power and that the country was gripped by this ethereal malaise. Where was this malaise? Whose America was in decline? The problem with the 1970s wasn't that America was in decline, it was that the
plutocracy
felt itself declining. And in the plutocrats' eyes, their fortunes are synonymous with America's.
- Mark Ames
,
Going Postal: Rage, Murder, and Rebellion, From Reagan's Workplaces to Clinton's Columbine and Beyond
(2005), p. 99
- At the beginning of the 1980s the world community faces much greater dangers than at any time since the
Second World War
. It is clear that the
world economy
is now functioning so badly that it damages both the immediate and longer-run interests of all nations... The problems of
poverty
and
hunger
are becoming more serious; there are already 800 million absolute poor and their numbers are rising; shortages of grain and other foods are increasing the prospect of hunger and
starvation
... Between 20 and 25 million children below the age of five die every year in
developing countries
... A number of poor countries are threatened with the irreversible
destruction of their ecological systems
while many more face growing food deficits and possibly
mass starvation
. In the
international economy
there is the possibility of... a collapse of
credit
with defaults by major debtors, or bank failures... [and] an intensified struggle for influence or control over resources leading to military conflicts.
- Willy Brandt
, Attributed in "Are We Nearing Armageddon?", article on
The Watchtower
magazine, 1980, 10/15.
- In a sense, the 1980s helped bring further to fruition American hopes in the mid-1940s that
economic liberalism
would spread American influence, although the Bretton Woods generation of the 1940s had not intended regional major indebtedness. The spread of American influence was to be taken further in the 1990s after the fall of
Eastern European
and
Soviet
Communism
.
Free market
economies also provided a major incentive for countries to look to the
USA
, the
largest market in the world
. The
reduction of tariffs
made the USA a more attractive commercial partner. In another light, this was a question of the
outsourcing
of American
manufacturing
jobs, a process that owed much to the quest for cheap
labour
, greatly encouraged by Western investment in parts of the
Third World
. The
free market ideology of the West
, and notably of
Reagan
and
Thatcher
, and the willingness to encourage structural adjustment, helped create an economic affinity, both within the West and in the Third World, that was not matched by the Soviet Union. In particular,
Chinese economic links with the USA
developed rapidly.
- And fifth, we must use the decade of the 1980's to attack the basic structural weaknesses and problems in our economy through measures to increase
productivity
, savings, and
investment
. With these energy and economic policies, we will make America even stronger at home in this decade--just as our foreign and defense policies will make us stronger and safer throughout the world. We will never abandon our struggle for a just and a decent society here at home. That's the heart of America--and it's the source of our ability to inspire other people to defend their own rights abroad. Our material resources, great as they are, are limited. Our problems are too complex for simple slogans or for quick solutions. We cannot solve them without effort and sacrifice.
Walter Lippmann
once reminded us, "You took the good things for granted. Now you must earn them again. For every right that you cherish, you have a duty which you must fulfill. For every good which you wish to preserve, you will have to sacrifice your comfort and your ease. There is nothing for nothing any longer."
- Our challenges are formidable. But there's a new spirit of unity and resolve in our country. We move into the 1980's with confidence and hope and a bright vision of the
America
we want: an America strong and free, an America at peace, an America with equal rights for all citizens-- and for women, guaranteed in the
United States Constitution
--an America with jobs and good health and good education for every citizen, an America with a clean and bountiful life in our cities and on our farms, an America that helps to feed the world, an America secure in filling its own energy needs, an America of
justice
,
tolerance
, and
compassion
. For this vision to come true, we must sacrifice, but this national commitment will be an exciting enterprise that will unify our people. Together as one people, let us work to build our strength at home, and together as one indivisible union, let us seek peace and security throughout the world. Together let us make of this time of challenge and danger a decade of national resolve and of brave achievement.
- the 1980s, when
Nancy Reagan
's slogan "Just Say No" passed as high-level drug education.
- Carl Hart
Drug Use for Grown-Ups: Chasing Liberty in the Land of Fear
(2021)
- [I]n the 1980s and 90s there was an extension of the autonomy of individual property owners in... a movement towards
neoliberalism
represented by
Ronald Reagan
,
Margaret Thatcher
and... by the
Chicago school of economics
that denigrated... the role of the state in the economy, that said the private
markets
would be able to solve most social distribution problems and the like. This was true in many ways. The world did become much richer in this period, but it also became much more unequal... [W]ithout adequate regulation and... effort to protect people against the excesses of market
capitalism
, you had people... left behind, even as their societies as a whole, grew. ...[T]his ...became one of the triggers for the kind of
populism
we've seen arise in many rich countries.
- The one on the right concerned the shift from an older understanding of
economic liberalism
to what is now called "
neoliberalism
." Neoliberalism is
not
... a synonym for
capitalism
. I don't see how you can have any kind of modern economy without a
market based economy
. Neoliberalism took that basic insight and stretched it to an extreme seeking to
deregulate
,
privatize
and basically pull back the role of the
state
, which many neoliberals regarded as simply obstacles to individuals, to entrepreneurship, to economic growth, and as a result markets did their usual work. They produced a great deal of
inequality
,
as...
global corporations
searched for very small cost advantages by moving jobs to low cost areas... [T]hey destabilized the global economy in certain important ways by deregulating the financial sector. As a result of the deregulation that occurred in the
1980s
and 90s we had an escalating series of financial crises. In the
sterling crisis
, the
Asian financial crisis
,
Argentina
,
Russia
, and finally culminating in the big
American subprime crisis in 2008
. The... cumulative effects of this instability were political and they were very serious because many ordinary people were hurt... a lot of people lost their homes, lost their jobs, and the
elites
that ran these big banks and financial institutions suffered only a momentary disruption in their incomes, and went on to continue to dominate their respective economies... [T]his had a direct impact on the rise of
populism
in subsequent years, both on the
right
and on the
left
.
- The pope had been an
actor
before he became a
priest
, and his triumphant return to
Poland
in 1979 revealed that he had lost none of his theatrical skills. Few leaders of his era could match him in his ability to use words, gestures, exhortations, rebukes?even jokes?to move the hearts and minds of the millions who saw and heard him. All at once a single individual, through a series of dramatic performances, was changing the course of
history
. That was in a way appropriate, because the
Cold War
itself was a kind of theater in which distinctions between illusions and reality were not always obvious. It presented great opportunities for great actors to play great roles. These opportunities did not become fully apparent, however, until the early 1980s, for it was only then that the material forms of power upon which the
United States
, the
Soviet Union
, and their allies had lavished so much attention for so long?the
nuclear weapons and missiles
, the conventional
military
forces, the intelligence establishments, the
military-industrial complexes
, the
propaganda
machines?began to lose their potency. Real
power
rested, during the final decade of the Cold War, with leaders like
John Paul II
, whose mastery of intangibles?of such qualities as
courage
,
eloquence
,
imagination
,
determination
, and
faith
?allowed them to expose disparities between what people believed and the systems under which the Cold War had obliged them to live. The gaps were most glaring in the
Marxist-Leninist
world: so much so that when fully revealed there was no way to close them other than to dismantle
communism
itself, and thereby end the Cold War.
- John Paul II
set the pattern by rattling the authorities throughout Poland, the rest of
Eastern Europe
, and even the Soviet Union. Others quickly followed his example. There was
Lech Wał?sa
, the young Polish electrician who stood outside the locked gate of the Lenin shipyard in Gdansk one day in August, 1980?with the pope's picture nearby?to announce the formation of
Solidarnosc
, the first independent
trade union
ever in a
Marxist-Leninist
country. There was
Margaret Thatcher
, the first
woman
to become
prime minister
of
Great Britain
, who relished being tougher than any
man
and revived the reputation of
capitalism
in
Western Europe
. There was
Deng Xiaoping
, the diminutive, frequently purged, but relentlessly pragmatic successor to
Mao Zedong
, who brushed aside
communism
's prohibitions on free enterprise while encouraging the
Chinese people
to "get rich." There was
Ronald Reagan
, the first professional actor to become
president of the United States
, who used his theatrical skills to rebuild confidence at home, to spook senescent Kremlin leaders, and after a young and vigorous one had replaced them, to win his trust and enlist his cooperation in the task of changing the Soviet Union. The new leader in
Moscow
was, of course,
Mikhail Gorbachev
, who himself sought to dramatize what distinguished him from his predecessors: in doing so, he swept away communism's emphasis on the
class struggle
, its insistence on the inevitability of a world
proletarian revolution
, and hence its claims of historical infallibility. It was an age, then, of leaders who through their challenges to the way things were and their ability to inspire audiences to follow them? through their successes in the
theater
that was the Cold War confronted, neutralized, and overcame the forces that had for so long perpetuated the Cold War. Like all good actors, they brought the play at last to an end.
- It is worth recalling that during the
1960s
, and again in the
1970s
,
Britain
's growth rate was the lowest of all the major
European
economies. By contrast, during the 1980s, our growth rate has been the highest of all the major European economies. This greatly improved growth performance has been accompanied by falling inflation, which at 3½ per cent in 1986 reached the lowest figure for almost 20 years.
- It could be that today's
conservative
movement remains in thrall to the same
narrative
that has defined its
attitude
toward
film
and the
arts
for decades. Inspired by feelings of exclusion after Hollywood and the popular culture turned leftward in the '60s and '70s, this narrative has defined the film industry as an irredeemably
liberal
institution toward which conservatives can only act in opposition?never engagement. Ironically, this narrative ignores the actual history of Hollywood, in which conservatives had a strong presence from the industry's founding in the early
20th century
up through the '
40s
, '
50s
and into the mid-'
60s
. The conservative Hollywood community at that time included such leading directors as
Howard Hawks
,
Frank Capra
, and
Cecil B. DeMille
, and major stars like
John Wayne
,
Clark Gable
, and
Charlton Heston
. These talents often worked side by side with notable Hollywood liberals like directors
Billy Wilder
,
William Wyler
, and
John Huston
, and stars like
Humphrey Bogart
,
Lauren Bacall
, and
Spencer Tracy
. The richness of classic Hollywood cinema is widely regarded as a testament to the ability of these two communities to work together, regardless of political differences. As the younger, more left-leaning "
New Hollywood
" generation swept into the industry in the late '60s and '70s, this older group of Hollywood conservatives faded away, never to be replaced. Except for a brief period in the '80s when the
Reagan
Presidency led to a conservative reengagement with film?with popular stars like
Clint Eastwood
,
Sylvester Stallone
, and
Arnold Schwarzenegger
making macho,
patriotic
action films?conservatives appeared to abandon popular culture altogether. In the wake of this retreat, conservative failure to engage with Hollywood now appears to have been recast by today's East Coast conservative establishment into a generalized opposition toward film and popular culture itself. In the early '90s, conservative film critic
Michael Medved
codified this oppositional feeling toward Hollywood in his best-selling book
Hollywood vs. America
.
- I grew up in the 1980s in the
UK
, and we had the
Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament
, all that. People were very, very aware. When I was 13, me and my friends, we were convinced we would die in a
nuclear holocaust
… What I remember from the '80s is that the
fear
of
nuclear war
had receded in favor of fear of
environmental destruction
. It was almost like we couldn't sustain the fear of it for that long. We have a complicated relationship with our fear. And yes,
Putin
has been using that doomsday threat and that fear to saber-rattle. It's extremely unnerving.
- But in another sense, our New Beginning is a continuation of that beginning created two centuries ago when, for the first time in
history
,
government
, the people said, was not our master, it is our servant; its only power that which we the people allow it to have. That system has never failed us, but for a time we failed the system. We asked things of government that government was not equipped to give. We yielded authority to the
National Government
that properly belonged to states or to local governments or to the people themselves. We allowed
taxes
and
inflation
to rob us of our earnings and savings, and watched the great
industrial machine
that had made us the most
productive
people on
Earth
slow down and the number of
unemployed
increase. By 1980 we knew it was time to renew our faith, to strive with all our strength toward the ultimate in individual
freedom
, consistent with an orderly society. We believed then and now: There are no limits to
growth
and human
progress
when men and women are free to follow their dreams. And we were right -- and we were right to believe that.
Tax rates
have been reduced,
inflation
cut dramatically, and more people are employed than ever before in
our history
. We are creating a nation once again vibrant, robust, and alive. But there are many mountains yet to climb. We will not rest until every American enjoys the fullness of freedom,
dignity
, and
opportunity
as our birthright. It is our birthright as citizens of this great
Republic
. And, if we meet this challenge, these will be years when Americans have restored their confidence and tradition of progress; when our values of
faith
,
family
,
work
, and
neighborhood
were restated for a modern age; when
our economy
was finally freed from government's grip; when we made sincere efforts at meaningful
arms reductions
and by rebuilding our defenses, our economy, and developing new
technologies
, helped preserve peace in a troubled world; when
America
courageously supported the struggle for individual liberty, self-government, and free enterprise throughout the world and turned the tide of history away from
totalitarian
darkness and into the warm sunlight of human freedom. My fellow citizens, our nation is poised for greatness. We must do what we know is right, and do it with all our might. Let history say of us: "These were golden years -- when the
American Revolution
was reborn, when freedom gained new life, and America reached for her best."
- I've been reflecting on what the past eight years have meant and mean. And the image that comes to mind like a refrain is a nautical one?a small story about a big
ship
, and a
refugee
, and a sailor. It was back in the early '80s, at the height of the
boat people
. And the sailor was hard at work on the carrier Midway, which was patrolling the
South China Sea
. The sailor, like most
American servicemen
, was young, smart, and fiercely observant. The crew spied on the horizon a leaky little boat. And crammed inside were refugees from
Indochina
hoping to get to America. The Midway sent a small launch to bring them to the ship and safety. As the refugees made their way through the choppy seas, one spied the sailor on deck, and stood up, and called out to him. He yelled, "Hello,
American sailor
. Hello, freedom man." A small moment with a big meaning, a moment the sailor, who wrote it in a letter, couldn't get out of his mind. And, when I saw it, neither could I. Because that's what it was to be an American in the 1980s. We stood, again, for
freedom
. I know we always have, but in the past few years the world again?and in a way, we ourselves?rediscovered it. It's been quite a journey this decade, and we held together through some stormy seas. And at the end, together, we are reaching our destination. The fact is, from
Grenada
to the
Washington
and
Moscow
summits, from the
recession of '81 to '82
, to the expansion that began in late '82 and continues to this day, we've made a difference. The way I see it, there were two great triumphs, two things that I'm proudest of. One is the
economic recovery
, in which the people of America created?and filled?19 million new jobs. The other is the recovery of our morale. America is respected again in the world and looked to for leadership.
- Common sense also told us that to preserve the peace, we'd have to become strong again after years of weakness and confusion. So, we rebuilt our defenses, and this
New Year
we toasted the new peacefulness around the globe. Not only have the superpowers actually begun to
reduce their stockpiles of nuclear weapons
?and hope for even more progress is bright?but the regional conflicts that rack
the globe
are also beginning to cease. The
Persian Gulf
is no longer
a war zone
. The
Soviets
are leaving
Afghanistan
. The
Vietnamese
are preparing to pull out of
Cambodia
, and an American-mediated accord will soon send 50,000
Cuban
troops home from
Angola
. The lesson of all this was, of course, that because we're a great nation, our challenges seem complex. It will always be this way. But as long as we remember our first principles and believe in ourselves, the future will always be ours. And something else we learned: Once you begin a great movement, there's no telling where it will end. We meant to change a nation, and instead, we changed a world. Countries across the globe are turning to
free markets
and
free speech
and turning away from the ideologies of the past. For them, the great rediscovery of the 1980s has been that, lo and behold, the moral way of government is the practical way of government:
Democracy
, the profoundly good, is also the profoundly productive.
- Looking back at the recent history of the world, I find it amazing how far
civilization
has retrogressed so quickly. As recently as
World War I
? granted the rules were violated at times ? we had a set of
rules of warfare
in which
armies
didn’t make war against
civilians
:
Soldiers
fought soldiers. Then came
World War II
and
Hitler
’s philosophy of total war, which meant the
bombing
not only of soldiers but of
factories
that produced their
rifles
, and, if surrounding communities were also hit, that was to be accepted; then, as the war progressed, it became common for the combatants simply to attack civilians as part of military strategy. By the time the 1980s rolled around, we were placing our entire faith in a
weapon
whose fundamental target was the civilian population.
- The '80s. It was a time of optimism. It was a time of promise. It was a time of excitement and exuberance. It was a golden age of opulence and financial irresponsibility where folks worked all week, danced all weekend, and spent their money like water. The skies were blue, the
movies
were great, the
restaurants
were outstanding, the
careers
were promising, the
cars
were sleek, the
clothes
were classy, and the hair was big. The decade’s lexicon was laced with corporate
Yuppie
-eeze like
Power Lunch, Golden Handcuffs, DINK, Leveraged Buyout, Walkman, Billions & Billions, Letterman, and Perrier.
Everything was in front of us.
- George Steffner,
Through Their Eyes: All Four Years
(2022), p. 481
- The impact of the age of Reagan is indicated even more strongly by the guiding assumptions and possibilities of
American politics
and
government
, and the hold they have on public opinion. Thirty years ago, the proposition that reducing
taxes
on the rich was the best solution for all economic problems inspired only a few on the
right-wing fringe
. Today, it drives the national domestic agenda and is so commonplace that it sometimes appears to have become the conventional wisdom. It is only one of many such notions?including proposals that
public schools
teach the
pseudoscience
of “
intelligent design
” as well as
Darwin
’s theory of
evolution
, the idea that wealthy
business buccaneers
should have a large say in formulating
federal policy
, and the so-called
unitary executive theory
of
presidential power
?that have moved from the political margins to the center of power. Buttressed by the mythical accounts of the past thirty-five years, as well as by changed standards of
truth
and
objectivity
in the news
media
, conservatives in the age of Reagan learned how to seize and keep control of the terms of public debate?skills that
liberal
Democrats
once mastered but lost amid their political complacency in the 1970s and disarray in the 1980s.
- Sean Wilentz
,
The Age of Reagan: A History 1974-2008
(2008), pp. 6-7
External links
[
edit
]
- Encyclopedic article on
1980s
on Wikipedia