Flemish nationalist political party in Belgium
The
New Flemish Alliance
(
Dutch
:
Nieuw-Vlaamse Alliantie
,
pronounced
[?niu?
?vlaːms?
??li??n(t)si]
ⓘ
,
N-VA
)
[7]
is a
Flemish nationalist
,
[8]
[9]
conservative
[14]
and
Eurosceptic
political party
in
Belgium
. The party was established in 2001 by the right-leaning faction of the centrist-nationalist
People's Union
(VU).
[15]
The N-VA is a
regionalist
[16]
and
separatist
[17]
[18]
[19]
[20]
movement that self-identifies with the promotion of
civic nationalism
.
[21]
Within the Flemish Movement, the party strives for the peaceful
[22]
and gradual
secession
of
Flanders
from
Belgium
.
[23]
In recent years it has become the largest party of Flanders as well as of Belgium as a whole, and it participated in the
2014?18 Belgian Government
until 9 December 2018.
[24]
The N-VA was established as a
centre-right
party with the main objective of working towards furthering Flemish autonomy and redefining Belgium as a
confederal
country through gradually obtaining more powers for both Belgian communities separately with the belief that this will pave the way for eventual Flemish independence.
[25]
During its early years, the N-VA mostly followed the platform of the former VU by characterising itself as a
big tent
[26]
party with Flemish nationalism as its central theme. Furthermore, it emphasized a pragmatic and non-revolutionary image (as opposed to the
far-right
character of the other main Flemish pro-separatist party
Vlaams Belang
) in order to legitimise increased Flemish autonomy. The party also espoused non-interventionalist and pro-individual freedom messages in its original platform.
[27]
In subsequent years, the N-VA moved to the right and adopted a distinctly
conservative
identity under the leadership of
Bart De Wever
, who succeeded the founding leader
Geert Bourgeois
. The party used to be
pro-Europeanist
,
[28]
[29]
and previously advocated deepening ties with the
European Union
(EU) which the N-VA regarded as an important means to give Flanders more international influence,
[30]
but has since shifted to a "Eurorealist" or "Eurocritical" stance by calling for democratic reform of the EU and opposing a Federal Superstate.
[31]
[29]
The party is known for its insistence on the exclusive use of
Dutch
, Flanders' sole official language, in dealings with government agencies.
[21]
The N-VA advocates
economic liberalism
and immediate tax reductions to stimulate the economy. It also supports stricter law and order and controlled immigration policies, with stronger measures to integrate immigrants in Flanders.
[32]
[33]
A leading member of the
European Free Alliance
(EFA), since the
2014 European Parliament election
, the N-VA has sat with the
European Conservatives and Reformists
(ECR)
parliamentary group
in the
European Parliament
.
History
[
edit
]
Fall of the People's Union
[
edit
]
The N-VA stems from the right-leaning faction of the
People's Union
(
Dutch
:
Volksunie
, VU), a Belgian
political party
and broad electoral alliance of
Flemish nationalists
from both sides of the political spectrum. Towards the end of the 20th century, with a steadily declining electorate and the majority of the party's
federalist
agenda implemented, friction between several wings of the People's Union emerged. In the beginning of the 1990s,
Bert Anciaux
became party president and led the party in an ever more
progressive
direction, combining the
social-liberal
and social democratic ideas of his iD21-movement with the
regionalist
course of the People's Union. These experiments were opposed by the more traditional right-wing party base. Many of the VU's more ardent national-conservative members defected to the
Vlaams Blok
after becoming disgruntled with direction of the party, prompting a further decline in support. Around this time, VU member
Geert Bourgeois
, de facto leader of the VU's traditionalist and centre-right nationalist wing, put together the so-called "Oranjehofgroep" (which would go on to become the bedrock of the N-VA) which included fellow VU members
Frieda Brepoels
,
Eric Defoort
,
Ben Weyts
and
Bart De Wever
. The Oranjehofgroep opposed the direction in which the party was being taken by Anciaux and wanted the VU to pursue a more conservative,
Flemish nationalist
and separatist direction, while the wing helmed by Anciaux was looking to merge the Volksunie with its progressive programme with another political party.
[34]
Tension rose towards the end of the decade, as
Geert Bourgeois
was elected chairman by party members, in preference to the incumbent and progressive
Patrik Vankrunkelsven
who belonged to the iD21 wing. Factions subsequently clashed multiple times, over the future course of the party and possible support for current
state reform negotiations
. On 13 October 2001, the party openly split into three factions: the progressive wing around
Bert Anciaux
, which would later become the
Spirit
party; the conservative nationalist wing around
Geert Bourgeois
; and a centrist group opposing the imminent split. An internal referendum was held on the future course of the party. The right wing gained a substantial plurality of 47% and inherited the party infrastructure.
[35]
Since no faction got an absolute majority, however, the name
Volksunie
could no longer be used under Belgian constitutional law and the VU was dissolved. The centre-right orientated faction of the VU went on to found the N-VA while the remaining centre-left faction reorganized itself as
Spirit
and the centrist-liberal wing mostly folded into the
Open VLD
.
Foundation and the election threshold
[
edit
]
In the autumn of 2001, the New Flemish Alliance (
Dutch
:
Nieuw-Vlaamse Alliantie
, N-VA) was officially registered. Seven members of parliament from the People's Union joined the new party. The new party council created a party
manifesto
and a statement of principles. The first party congress was held in May 2002, voting on a party program and permanent party structures.
Geert Bourgeois
was elected chairman. The N-VA initially continued some of the VU's former policies.
The party participated in elections for the first time in the
2003 federal elections
, but struggled with the
election threshold
of 5%. This threshold was only reached in
West Flanders
, the constituency of
Geert Bourgeois
. With only one federal representative and no senator, the party lost government funding and faced irrelevance.
Cartel with CD&V
[
edit
]
In February 2004, the N-VA entered into an
electoral alliance
, commonly known in Belgium as a
cartel
, with the
Christian Democratic and Flemish
(CD&V) party, the traditionally largest party, which was then in opposition. They joined forces in the
regional elections in 2004
and won. Both parties joined the new Flemish government, led by CD&V leader
Yves Leterme
.
Geert Bourgeois
became a minister, and
Bart De Wever
became the new party leader in October 2004.
The cartel was briefly broken when the former right-wing liberal
Jean-Marie Dedecker
left the
Open Flemish Liberals and Democrats
(Open VLD) and entered the N-VA on behalf of the party executive. However, the party congress did not put Dedecker on the election list, instead preferring to continue the cartel with CD&V, who had strongly opposed placing him on a joint cartel list. Dedecker saw this as a vote of no confidence, and left the party after only 10 days, to form his own party,
List Dedecker
(LDD). Deputy leader Brepoels, who supported Dedecker, stepped down from the party board afterwards.
In the Belgian federal election of 2007 the CD&V/N-VA cartel won a major victory again, with a campaign focusing on good governance, state reform and the division of the electoral district
Brussels-Halle-Vilvoorde
. The N-VA won five seats in the
Chamber of Representatives
and two seats in the
Senate
.
Yves Leterme
initiated coalition talks, which repeatedly stalled (see
2007?2008 Belgian government formation
). On 20 March 2008, a new federal government was finally assembled. N-VA did not join this government, but gave its support pending state reform.
The cartel ended definitively on 24 September 2008, due to lack of progression in state reform matters and a different strategy on future negotiations. N-VA left the Flemish Government and gave up its support of Leterme at the federal level.
Mainstream party
[
edit
]
In the
regional elections of June 2009
, N-VA won an unexpected 13% of the votes, making them the winner of the elections, along with their old cartel partner CD&V. N-VA subsequently joined the government, led by
Kris Peeters
(CD&V).
Bart De Wever
chose to remain party leader and appointed
Geert Bourgeois
and
Philippe Muyters
as ministers in the
Flemish Government
and
Jan Peumans
as speaker of the
Flemish Parliament
.
In December 2018, a political crisis emerged over whether to sign the
Global Compact for Migration
; N-VA was against this, whereas the other three parties in the federal government supported it. On 4 December 2018, the Prime Minister of Belgium,
Charles Michel
, announced that the issue would be taken to parliament for a vote.
[36]
On 5 December, parliament voted 106 to 36 in favor of backing the agreement.
[37]
Michel stated that he would endorse the pact on behalf of parliament, not on behalf of the divided government.
[38]
Consequently, N-VA quit the federal government; the other three parties continue as a minority government (
Michel II
).
During the
2019 federal elections
, the party again polled in first place in the Flemish region. However, it also saw a decline in vote share for the first time, falling to 25.6% of the Flemish vote.
Ahead of the
2024 federal elections
, the N-VA announced it would run candidates in
Wallonia
for the first time.
[39]
Foundation and ideology
[
edit
]
The New Flemish Alliance is a relatively young political party, founded in the autumn of 2001. Being one of the successors of the
People's Union
(Volksunie) party which existed from 1954?2001, it is, however, based on an established political tradition. The N-VA works towards the same goal as its Volksunie predecessor: to redefine Flemish nationalism in a contemporary setting. The N-VA's leader Bart De Wever calls himself a conservative and a nationalist.
[40]
In its early years, the N-VA argued for a Flemish Republic as a member state of a democratic
European confederation
. In its initial mission statement, the party stated that the challenges of the 21st century can best be answered by strong communities and by well-developed international co-operation, a position which reflected in their tagline: "Necessary in Flanders, useful in Europe." (
Dutch
:
Nodig in Vlaanderen, nuttig in Europa
.)
Presently, the N-VA is generally characterised by political scientists and journalists as
conservative
,
[10]
conservative liberal
, and
economically liberal
and positioned towards the
right-wing
of the political spectrum with Flemish issues forming the core of its policy ideas and messages.
[2]
[41]
[42]
In recent years the party has also been defined as moderately
eurosceptic
and more EU-critical compared to its early stance on a European confederation.
[43]
During the N-VA's early years, a label for the political orientation for the party was difficult to find. Borrowing from its Volksunie predecessor, the N-VA was initially considered a
big tent
or
catch-all party
and a
socially liberal
nationalist movement that combined left- and right-wing policies. The N-VA also summed up its initial platform with the motto
Evolution, not Revolution,
arguing for a more pragmatic and less radical approach to Flemish nationalism. The N-VA argued that a nationalist party was needed in the
Belgian Federal Parliament
both to represent the Flemish people and to work with politicians from all Belgian communities to redefine Belgium as a
confederal
rather than a federal state by securing more autonomy and political powers for both the Flemish and Walloon regions of Belgium.
[44]
This strategy assumed that through successive transfers of powers from the federal level to both regions on the one hand, and the European Union on the other, the Belgian state will gradually become obsolete.
In its 2009 election programme, the N-VA described itself as
economically liberal
[33]
and
ecologically green
. The party supported
public transport
,
open source software
,
renewable energy
and taxing cars by the number of kilometres driven. It wanted more aid for developing countries and more compulsory measures to require that immigrants learn Dutch. The party has generally been supportive of LGBT rights and backed same-sex marriage in Belgium.
[45]
It calls for measures to protect weaker members of society but also robust welfare reform and limits to welfare benefits to encourage people back into work and reduce unemployment.
[33]
Within the decade of its founding, the N-VA has shifted from a big tent to a conservative party by basing some of its socio-economic policies on that of the British
Conservative Party
.
[46]
[47]
[48]
[49]
Political scientist Glen Duerr has described the N-VA's current position as evolving to somewhere between that of
Vlaams Belang
and
CD&V
.
[50]
The N-VA has also been described as part of the "sub-state nationalist" family of parties similar to the
Scottish National Party
and the Catalan
National Call for the Republic
with its pro-independence platform while also differing from other independence movements in this category like the SNP which tend to hold progressive social and economic agendas since the N-VA promotes more neoliberal policies and right-leaning stances on immigration and multiculturalism that are more in common with European conservative parties. Belgian professor Ico Maly has described the N-VA's current ideology as drawing on the intellectual beliefs of the party’s leader
Bart de Wever
which he terms as "scientific nationalism" that distances the N-VA from the more far-right nationalism advocated by the Vlaams Belang, but on the other, leads the N-VA to use more cultural arguments compared to parties like the SNP such as defending Western values and an ethnically defined Flemish identity.
[51]
Since 2014, the N-VA has been described as continuing to move ideologically further to the right under the influence of Bart De Wever and
Theo Francken
by adopting tougher stances on immigration, integration of minorities, requirements to obtain Belgian citizenship, law and order, national security and repatriation of foreign born criminals and illegal immigrants.
[52]
[28]
In 2015, German weekly
Die Zeit
published a list of 39 successful radical political parties in Europe. The paper described N-VA as
right-wing populist
and
separatist
because it reduces complex political problems to territorial issues.
[53]
[49]
N-VA responded that "foreign media find the party difficult to place, so they just label us as extremists." Some commentators have attributed these shifts as a response to a revival in support for the Flemish nationalist
Vlaams Belang
.
[54]
In contrast to other Belgian parties, the N-VA is more critical of the
cordon sanitaire
placed on the Vlaams Belang party and recently has been more open to negotiating with the party (although accepting former Vlaams Blok/Vlaams Belang members as defectors into the N-VA still remains controversial within some ranks of the party).
[55]
[56]
Flemish nationalism
[
edit
]
The N-VA is part of the broader
Flemish nationalist
movement and describes its ideology as combining civic and cultural nationalism.
[57]
[58]
The party promotes what it calls inclusive nationalism not defined by revolutionary or racist sentiments in which newcomers can become part of the Flemish community through compulsory learning of the Dutch language, Flemish history and Western values.
[59]
In its current mission statement, the party claims that political divides in Belgium are not a xenophobic conflict but due to the political structure, arguing that Belgium has effectively been divided into two separate democracies since the 20th Century.
[60]
The N-VA believes the solution is to redefine the Belgian state as a confederal union by means of transferring powers separately to both communities with a smaller government in Brussels. The N-VA argues that Flanders should pursue more independent economic, taxation and foreign policies which it believes will lead to gradual Flemish secessionism. The party also supports a review into financial transfers from Flanders to
Brussels
and the Wallonia region, arguing that such a policy threatens solidarity between different linguistic groups and has been a burden on Flemish tax payers.
[61]
Migration
[
edit
]
The party calls for more strict immigration policies and reforms to asylum laws on its platform, proritizing knowledge-based immigration on a points system similar to the
Canadian model
and including a compulsory "integration contract" for immigrants to learn Dutch and undergo a values and social skills test before receiving Belgian citizenship. It also argues that dual nationals should be stripped of their citizenship if they are convicted of terrorism and other serious crimes and for the removal of illegal immigrants. The party also established a new government position of Minister for Integration in the
Flemish Government
after becoming the largest party in the Flemish Parliament.
[62]
[63]
In Federal politics, N-VA MP
Theo Francken
who served as Belgium's Secretary of State for Asylum and Migration sought to tighten laws on family migration and was noted for overseeing a record deportation of illegal immigrants and foreigners with criminal backgrounds.
[64]
This policy made him the most popular politician
[65]
The party has also recently become critical of
multiculturalism
, arguing that it prevents inclusiveness and social cohesion among the population, and has accused French-speaking parties of pushing mass immigration and multicultural policies onto Flanders through Belgian state politics.
[66]
In 2018, the party opposed the UN
Global Compact for Migration
and subsequently withdrew its participation in the Belgian government in protest of its passing.
[36]
Some commentators have attributed these shifts as a response to a revival in support for the Flemish nationalist
Vlaams Belang
, which also campaigned against the Migration Compact.
[67]
The N-VA also supports increased spending and resources for the police and border forces, as well as more resources for counter-terrorism and national security efforts.
[68]
Climate change
[
edit
]
The party has a what it calls a
ecorealism
stance, arguing for constructive methods and the use of
green technology
and expanding
Belgium's nuclear power stations
to mitigate climate change.
[69]
However, the N-VA voted at European level against the foundations of the
European Green Deal
, namely against an extension of the
European Union Emissions Trading System
to more sectors and against a European carbon border tax.
[70]
At the Flemish level, the N-VA and the Flemish government are in favor of a 40% reduction in emissions by 2030, while the EU is calling for a 47% reduction, an objective for which Brussels and Wallonia do commit.
[71]
Foreign policy
[
edit
]
In terms of foreign policy, the N-VA's stance on the
European Union
began as strongly
pro-European
in character (which it regarded as an important means of gaining legitimacy for Flemish nationalism on an international stage); in 2010, the party called for "an ever stronger and more united Europe." However, the party has since moved in a
Eurocritical
direction and takes a more critical stance on European integration by no longer endorsing a European confederation, calling for less EU interference at national decision making levels and for the right for member states to maintain their own cultural identity, more democratic reform of the EU and arguing that economically unstable nations should leave the
Eurozone
.
[28]
[29]
[46]
The party is critical of the EU's stance on illegal immigration (in particular its handling of the migrant crisis) and the role played by NGOs in picking up migrants. The N-VA argues that the EU should emulate the
Australian model
of border protection to reinforce its external border and work with nations outside of Europe to stem the flow of illegal migrants arriving by sea.
[72]
The N-VA supports continued Belgian participation in
NATO
and for military cooperation between European states.
[73]
Other policies
[
edit
]
On economic policy, the N-VA calls for reduced national debts and balanced budget in the Flemish and Federal Parliaments. It has generally advocated for free-market policies and limits on certain government spending. It also supports increased trade and business investment for Flanders.
[74]
The N-VA also supports abolishing the
Belgian Senate
.
[75]
International affiliations
[
edit
]
At European level, the N-VA is part of the
European Free Alliance
(EFA), a
European political party
consisting of
regionalist
, pro-
independence
and
minority interest
political parties, of which the
People's Union
was a founder member. During the
7th European Parliament
of 2009?2014, the N-VA was a member of
The Greens?European Free Alliance
(Greens/EFA) group in the European Parliament. However, following the
2014 European elections
, the N-VA announced it was moving to a new group and chose the
European Conservatives and Reformists
(ECR)
[76]
over the
Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe
.
[46]
Party chairmen
[
edit
]
Faction leaders
[
edit
]
Electorate
[
edit
]
In the
federal elections
in 2003, N-VA received 3.1% of the votes, but won only one seat in the federal parliament. In February 2004, they formed an electoral alliance (cartel) with the
Christian Democratic and Flemish
party (CD&V). The cartel won the elections for the Flemish Parliament. The N-VA received a total of 6 seats. However, on 21 September 2008 the N-VA lost its faith in the federal government and the following day minister
Geert Bourgeois
resigned. In a press conference he confirmed the end of the CD&V/N-VA cartel.
In the
2004 European elections
, N-VA had one MEP elected as part of the cartel with CD&V.
In the 10 June 2007
federal elections
, the cartel won 30 out of 150 seats in the
Chamber of Representatives
and 9 out of 40 seats in the
Senate
.
In the
regional elections of 11 June 2009
, N-VA (now on its own after the split of the cartel with
CD&V
) won an unexpected 13% of the votes, making them the winner of the elections along with their former cartel partner. In the
2009 European elections
held on the same day, the N-VA had one MEP elected.
In the
2010 federal elections
, N-VA became the largest party of Flanders and of Belgium altogether.
In the
2014 federal elections
, N-VA increased their dominant position, taking votes and seats from the far-right
Flemish Interest
. In the simultaneous
2014 regional elections
and
2014 European elections
, the N-VA also became the largest party in the
Flemish Parliament
and in the Belgian delegation to the
European Parliament
.
In the
2019 federal elections
, the party remained in first place in the Chamber of Representatives, European Parliament and Flemish Parliament, but saw a decline of their vote share for the first time, obtaining 16.03% of the votes in the Federal Parliament. With a decline of 24.7 percent of their votes compared to 2014, the N-VA suffered the biggest election defeat of any Flemish government party in the last fifty years.
[77]
The decline in votes was in part due to a sudden upsurge in support for the
Flemish Interest
.
Electoral results
[
edit
]
Chamber of Representatives
[
edit
]
Election
|
Votes
|
%
|
Seats
|
+/-
|
Government
|
2003
|
201,399
|
3.1
|
|
|
Opposition
|
2007
[a]
|
1,234,950
|
18.5
|
|
4
|
Opposition
|
2010
|
1,135,617
|
17.4
|
|
22
|
Opposition
|
2014
|
1,366,073
|
20.3
|
|
6
|
Coalition
(2014?2018)
|
Opposition
(2018?2019)
|
2019
|
1,086,787
|
16.0
|
|
8
|
Opposition
|
- ^
In coalition with
CD&V
;30 seats won in total.
Senate
[
edit
]
Election
|
Votes
|
%
|
Seats
|
+/-
|
2003
|
200,273
|
3.1
|
|
|
2007
[a]
|
1,287,389
|
19.4
|
|
2
|
2010
|
1,268,780
|
19.6
|
|
12
|
2014
|
|
|
2
|
2019
|
|
|
3
|
- ^
In coalition with
CD&V
; 14 seats won in total.
Regional
[
edit
]
Brussels Parliament
[
edit
]
Election
|
Votes
|
%
|
Seats
|
+/-
|
Government
|
D.E.C.
|
Overall
|
2004
[a]
|
10,482
|
16.8 (#4)
|
|
|
|
Opposition
|
2009
|
2,586
|
5.0 (#6)
|
|
|
1
|
Opposition
|
2014
|
9,085
|
17.0 (#4)
|
|
|
2
|
Opposition
|
2019
|
9.177
|
18.0 (#4)
|
|
|
0
|
Opposition
|
- ^
In coalition with
CD&V
; 3 seats won in total.
Flemish Parliament
[
edit
]
Election
|
Votes
|
%
|
Seats
|
+/-
|
Government
|
2004
[a]
|
1,060,580
|
26.1 (#1)
|
|
|
Coalition
|
2009
|
537,040
|
13.1 (#5)
|
|
10
|
Coalition
|
2014
|
1,339,946
|
31.9 (#1)
|
|
27
|
Coalition
|
2019
|
1,052,252
|
24.8 (#1)
|
|
8
|
Coalition
|
- ^
In coalition with
CD&V
; 35 seats won in total.
European Parliament
[
edit
]
Election
|
Votes
|
%
|
Seats
|
+/-
|
D.E.C.
|
Overall
|
2004
[a]
|
1,131,119
|
28.2 (#1)
|
17.4
|
|
|
2009
|
402,545
|
9.9 (#5)
|
6.1
|
|
0
|
2014
|
1,123,363
|
26.7 (#1)
|
16.8
|
|
3
|
2019
|
1,123,355
|
22.4 (#1)
|
14.2
|
|
1
|
- ^
In coalition with
CD&V
; 4 seats won in total.
Representation
[
edit
]
| This article needs to be
updated
.
Please help update this to reflect recent events or newly available information.
(
August 2020
)
|
European politics
[
edit
]
N-VA holds three seats in the
ninth European Parliament
(
2019?2024
) for the
Dutch-speaking electoral college
.
Federal politics
[
edit
]
Regional politics
[
edit
]
Flemish Government
[
edit
]
Former Flemish Ministers
[
edit
]
Flemish Parliament
[
edit
]
Parliament of the Brussels-Capital Region
[
edit
]
References
[
edit
]
- ^
"Open VLD heeft de meeste leden en steekt CD&V voorbij"
. deredactie.be. 30 October 2014.
- ^
a
b
Moufahim, Mona; Humphreys, Michael (2015).
"Marketing an extremist ideology: the Vlaams Belang's nationalist discourse"
. In Pullen, Alison; Rhodes, Carl (eds.).
The Routledge Companion to Ethics, Politics and Organisations
. Routledge. p. 90.
ISBN
978-1-136-74624-6
.
- ^
"Inside the far right's Flemish victory"
. 27 May 2019
. Retrieved
14 June
2020
.
- ^
"Politieke fracties"
.
Benelux Parliament
(in Dutch)
. Retrieved
8 August
2023
.
- ^
"
'De verandering werkt.' En dat zal N-VA bewijzen ook"
.
Het Laatste Nieuws
. 28 November 2016.
- ^
De Zaeger, Piet (11 February 2019).
"Voor Vlaanderen. Voor Vooruitgang"
.
n-va.be
. N-VA.
- ^
Pronunciation:
Nieuw-Vlaamse Alliantie
ⓘ
- ^
Sara Wallace Goodman; Marc Morje Howard (2013).
"Evaluating and explaining the restrictive backlash in citizenship policy in Europe"
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