1988 protests in Burma (Myanmar)
8888 Uprising
|
---|
- 1st row
: Protesters gathering at
Sule Pagoda
in central
Rangoon
.
- 2nd row
: Protesters rallying in
Mandalay
;
Aung San Suu Kyi
addresses half a million protesters in central Rangoon.
- 3rd row
: Soldiers preparing to open fire on protesters; Dr Saw Lwin and Dr Win Zaw carrying a critically wounded school girl (
Win Maw Oo
).
[1]
|
Date
| 12 March ? 21 September 1988
(6 months, 1 week and 2 days)
|
---|
Location
| |
---|
Caused by
|
|
---|
Goals
| Multi-party
democracy
in Burma and the resignation of
Ne Win
|
---|
Methods
|
|
---|
Resulted in
| Military coup d'etat on 18 September 1988
; demonstrations suppressed by force
|
---|
Concessions
|
|
---|
|
Opposition:
- Pro-democracy protesters
- Students
- Trade unions
|
Government:
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Death(s)
| 350 (official count)
3,000
[4]
?10,000
[5]
[6]
(estimates)
|
---|
Injuries
| Unknown
|
---|
Arrested
| Unknown
|
---|
The
8888 Uprising
,
[a]
also known as the
People Power Uprising
[b]
and the
1988 Uprising
,
[c]
was a series of nationwide
protests
,
[9]
marches, and
riots
[10]
in
Burma
(present-day
Myanmar
) that peaked in August 1988. Key events occurred on 8 August 1988 and therefore it is commonly known as the "8888 Uprising".
[11]
The protests began as a student movement and were organised largely by university students at the
Rangoon Arts and Sciences University
and the
Rangoon Institute of Technology
.
Since 1962, the
Burma Socialist Programme Party
had ruled the country as a
totalitarian
one-party state
, headed by General
Ne Win
. Under the government agenda, called the
Burmese Way to Socialism
, which involved
economic isolation
and the
strengthening
of the
military
,
Burma
became
one of the world's most impoverished countries
.
[12]
[13]
[14]
Many firms in the formal sector of the economy were
nationalised
, and the government combined
Soviet-style
central planning
with
Buddhist
and
traditional beliefs
and
superstition
.
[14]
The 8888 uprising was started by students in
Yangon
(
Rangoon
) on 8 August 1988. Student protests spread throughout the country.
[5]
[12]
Hundreds of thousands of
monks
,
children
,
university students
,
housewives
,
doctors
and
common people
protested against the government.
[15]
[16]
The uprising ended on 18 September after
a bloody military coup
by the
State Law and Order Restoration Council
. Thousands of deaths have been attributed to the military during this uprising,
[5]
[4]
[6]
while authorities in
Burma
put the figure at around 350 people killed.
[17]
[18]
During the crisis,
Aung San Suu Kyi
emerged as a national icon. When the
military junta
arranged an
election in 1990
, her party, the
National League for Democracy
, won 81% of the seats in the government (392 out of 492).
[19]
However, the
military junta
refused to recognise the results and continued to rule the country as the
State Law and Order Restoration Council
. Aung San Suu Kyi was also placed under
house arrest
. The
State Law and Order Restoration Council
would be a cosmetic change from the
Burma Socialist Programme Party
.
[15]
Suu Kyi's house arrest was lifted in 2010, when worldwide attention for her peaked again during the making of the
biographical film
The Lady
. The
Tatmadaw
(Myanmar Armed Forces) again seized control of the country in the
2021 Myanmar coup d'etat
, which began with the imprisonment of then
State Counsellor
Aung San Suu Kyi
. The coup has led to numerous protests and demonstrations against the military-led government. Activists have compared the
current coup resistance movement
to the
8888 Uprising
.
[20]
[21]
[22]
Background
[
edit
]
Economic problems
[
edit
]
Before the crisis,
Burma
had been ruled by the repressive and isolated regime of General
Ne Win
since 1962. The country had a national debt of $3.5 billion and currency reserves of between $20 million and $35 million, with
debt service ratios
standing at half of the national budget.
[23]
1985 and 1987 demonetisation crises
[
edit
]
In the years leading up to the crisis, General Ne Win had imposed two instances of sudden
currency demonetisation
that declared certain circulated denominations of currency invalid. These instances led to instantaneous loss of savings for many Burmese citizens and economic instability. On 3 November 1985, the Burmese government declared notes of 20, 50, and 100
kyats
invalid, without prior warning to the public.
[24]
Prior to this, circulated denominations were of 1, 5, 10, 20, 50, and 100 kyats. The stated reason for the demonetisation was to combat
black market
activity. The public was given only a short period of time to exchange their 20, 50, and 100 kyat bills, and only 25% of the value of surrendered bills were reimbursed.
[24]
On 10 November 1985, a week after the initial announcement of demonetisation, new denominations of 25, 35, and 75 kyat bills were announced, with the 75 kyat denomination chosen to commemorate Ne Win's 75th birthday. In November 1985, students gathered and
boycotted
the government's decision to withdraw Burmese local currency notes. Economic problems coupled with
counter-insurgency
required continuous involvement in the international market.
[25]
On 5 September 1987, Ne Win announced the demonetisation of the 25, 35, and 75 kyat notes, leaving only the 1, 5, and 10 kyat bills valid.
[26]
This announcement was also with no prior warning, and this time no exchange for valid tender was allowed. Roughly 60?80% of circulated legal tender was declared invalid without warning, and millions of Burmese citizens had their savings eliminated by this action.
[24]
On 22 September 1987, the Burmese government introduced new denominations of 45 and 90 kyat notes. The 45 and 90 kyat denominations were chosen because the two numbers are divisible by 9, which was considered lucky by Ne Win.
[27]
Students in particular were angry at the 1987 demonetisation as savings for tuition fees were wiped out instantly.
[28]
Students from the
Rangoon Institute of Technology
(
RIT
) rioted throughout
Rangoon
, smashing windows and traffic lights down
Insein Road
, and universities in Rangoon temporarily closed.
[29]
[
page needed
]
The government later allowed for reimbursement of up to 100 kyat so that students could return home instead of rioting in the cities.
[24]
With the re-opening of schools in late October 1987,
underground groups
in
Rangoon
and
Mandalay
produced
dissident
leaflets which culminated in bombs exploding in November.
[30]
Police later received threatening letters from underground groups, who organised small protests around the university campus.
[31]
Meanwhile, larger protests in
Mandalay
involved monks and workers, with some burning government buildings and state businesses.
[30]
Burmese state media
reported little on the protests, but information quickly spread through the students.
[30]
Early democracy protests
[
edit
]
After receiving
Least Developed Country
status from the
United Nations Economic and Social Council
(
ECOSOC
) in December 1987, government policy requiring farmers to sell produce below market rates to create greater revenue for the government sparked several, violent rural protests.
[32]
[
page needed
]
The protests were fanned by public letters to Ne Win by former second in command Brigadier General
Aung Gyi
from July 1987, reminding him of the
1967 riots
and condemning lack of economic reform, describing
Burma
as "almost a joke" compared to other
Southeast Asian
nations. He was later arrested.
[25]
[33]
On 12 March 1988, students from the
Rangoon Institute of Technology
(RIT) were arguing with out-of-school youths inside the
Sanda Win
tea shop about music playing on a sound system.
[7]
[30]
A drunken youth would not return a tape that the RIT students favoured.
[34]
A brawl followed in which one youth, who was the son of a
Burma Socialist Programme Party
(BSPP) official, was arrested and later released for injuring a student.
[30]
Students protested at a local police department where 500 riot police were mobilised and in the ensuing clash, one student,
Phone Maw
, was shot and killed.
[30]
The incident angered pro-democracy groups and the next day more students rallied at the RIT and spread to other campuses.
[35]
The students, who had never protested before, increasingly saw themselves as
activists
.
[30]
There was growing resentment towards military rule and there were no channels to address grievances, further exacerbated by
police brutality
, economic mismanagement and corruption within the government.
[7]
By mid-March, several protests had occurred and there was open dissent in the army. Various demonstrations were broken up by using
tear gas
canisters to disperse crowds.
[27]
On 16 March, students demanding an end to one party rule marched towards soldiers at
Inya Lake
when riot police stormed from the rear, clubbing several students to death and
raping
others.
[36]
Several students recalled the police shouting, "Don't let them escape" and "Kill them!".
[37]
Ne Win resigns
[
edit
]
Following the latest protests, authorities announced the closure of universities for several months.
[38]
By June 1988, large demonstrations of students and sympathisers were a daily sight.
[38]
Many students, sympathisers and riot police died throughout the month as the protests spread throughout Burma from
Rangoon
. Large scale protests were reported in
Pegu
,
Mandalay
,
Tavoy
,
Toungoo
,
Sittwe
,
Pakokku
,
Mergui
,
Minbu
and
Myitkyina
.
[39]
[
page needed
]
Demonstrators in larger numbers demanded
multi-party
democracy, which marked Ne Win's resignation on 23 July 1988.
[38]
In a valedictory address given that day, Ne Win affirmed that "When the army shoots, it shoots to kill."
[27]
He also promised a
multi-party system
, but he had appointed the largely disliked
Sein Lwin
, known as the "Butcher of Rangoon"
[40]
[
page needed
]
to head a new government.
[33]
Main protests
[
edit
]
1?7 August
[
edit
]
Protests reached their peak in August 1988. Students planned for a nationwide demonstration on 8 August 1988, an auspicious date based on numerological significance.
[3]
News of the protest reached rural areas and four days prior to the national protest, students across the country were denouncing
Sein Lwin
's regime and
Tatmadaw
troops were being mobilised.
[3]
Pamphlets and posters appeared on the streets of
Rangoon
bearing the fighting
peacock
insignia of the All-Burma Students Union.
[41]
Neighbourhood and strike committees were openly formed on the advice of underground activists, many of which were influenced by similar underground movements by workers and monks in the 1980s.
[41]
Between 2 and 10 August, co-ordinated protests were occurring in most Burmese towns.
[42]
In the first few days of the Rangoon protests, activists contacted
lawyers
and
monks
[43]
[
page needed
]
in
Mandalay
to encourage them to take part in the protests.
[44]
The students were quickly joined by Burmese citizens from all walks of life, including government workers, Buddhist
monks
,
air force
and
navy
personnel, customs
officers
,
teachers
and
hospital
staff. The demonstrations in the streets of
Rangoon
became a focal point for other demonstrations, which spread to other states' capitals.
[45]
[
page needed
]
Upwards of 10,000 protesters demonstrated outside the
Sule Pagoda
in
Rangoon
, where demonstrators burned and buried
effigies
of
Ne Win
and
Sein Lwin
in coffins decorated with demonetised bank notes.
[27]
Further protests took place around the country at
stadiums
and
hospitals
.
[46]
Monks
at the
Sule Pagoda
reported that the
Buddha
's image had changed shape, with an image in the sky standing on its head.
[27]
On 3 August, the authorities imposed
martial law
from 8 pm to 4 am and a ban on gatherings of more than five people.
[46]
8?12 August
[
edit
]
Across Burma, people poured out in thousands to join the protests ? not just students but also teachers, monks, children, professionals, and trade unionists of every shade. It was on this day, too, that the junta made its first determined attempt at repression. Soldiers opened fire on the demonstrators and hundreds of unarmed marchers were killed. The killings continued for a week, but still the demonstrators continued to flood the streets.
A general strike, as planned, began on 8 August 1988. Mass demonstrations were held across Burma as ethnic minorities,
Buddhists
,
Christians
,
Muslims
,
students
,
workers
and the
young
and
old
all demonstrated.
[27]
The first procession circled
Rangoon
, stopping for people to speak. A stage was also erected.
[44]
Demonstrators from the Rangoon neighbourhoods converged in downtown Rangoon. Only one casualty was reported at this point as a frightened
traffic policeman
fired into the
crowd
and fled.
[44]
(Such marches would occur daily until 19 September.)
[44]
Protesters kissed the shoes of
soldiers
, in an attempt to persuade them to join the civilian protest, whilst some encircled
military officers
to
protect
them from the crowd and earlier violence
[47]
[48]
Over the next four days these demonstrations continued; the government was surprised by the scale of the protests and stated that it promised to heed the demands of the protesters "insofar as possible".
[46]
Lwin had brought in more soldiers from insurgent areas to deal with the protesters.
[49]
[
page needed
]
In
Mandalay Division
, a more organised strike committee was headed by lawyers and discussion focused on multi-party democracy and human rights. Many participants in the protests arrived from nearby towns and villages.
[50]
Farmers who were particularly angry with the government's economic policies joined the protests in Rangoon. In one village, 2,000 of the 5,000 people also went on strike.
[50]
A short while later, the authorities opened fire on the protesters.
[5]
[27]
Ne Win ordered that "guns were not to shoot upwards," meaning that he was ordering the military to shoot directly at the demonstrators.
[45]
[
page needed
]
Protesters responded by throwing
Molotov cocktails
, swords, knives, rocks, poisoned darts and bicycle spokes.
[27]
In one incident, protesters burned a police station and tore apart four fleeing officers.
[48]
On 10 August, soldiers fired into Rangoon General Hospital, killing nurses and doctors tending to the wounded.
[51]
State-run Radio Rangoon reported that 1,451 "
looters
and disturbance makers" had been arrested.
[33]
Estimates of the number of casualties surrounding the 8-8-88 demonstrations range from hundreds to 10,000;
[5]
[4]
[6]
military authorities put the figures at about 95 people killed and 240 wounded.
[52]
13?31 August
[
edit
]
Lwin's sudden and unexplained resignation on 12 August left many protestors confused and jubilant. Security forces exercised greater caution with demonstrators, particularly in neighbourhoods that were entirely controlled by demonstrators and committees.
[48]
On 19 August, under pressure to form a civilian government, Ne Win's biographer, Dr.
Maung Maung
, was appointed as head of government.
[53]
[
page needed
]
Maung was a legal scholar and the only non-military individual to serve in the
Burma Socialist Programme Party
(BSPP).
[3]
The appointment of Maung briefly resulted in a subsidence of the shooting and protests.
Nationwide demonstrations resumed on 22 August 1988. In Mandalay, 100,000 people protested, including Buddhist monks and 50,000 demonstrated in
Sittwe
.
[3]
Large marches took places from
Taunggyi
and
Moulmein
to distant ethnic states (particularly where military campaigns had previously taken place),
[54]
where
red
, the symbolic colour for
democracy
was displayed on banners.
[3]
Two days later,
doctors
,
monks
,
musicians
,
actors
,
lawyers
, army
veterans
and
government
office workers
joined the protests.
[55]
It became difficult for committees to control the protests. During this time, demonstrators became increasingly wary of "suspicious looking" people and police and army officers. On one occasion, a local committee mistakenly beheaded a couple thought to have been carrying a bomb.
[56]
Incidents like these were not as common in
Mandalay
, where protests were more peaceful as they were organised by monks and lawyers.
[56]
On 26 August,
Aung San Suu Kyi
, who had watched the demonstrations from her mother's bedside,
[57]
[
page needed
]
entered the political arena by addressing half a million people at
Shwedagon Pagoda
.
[55]
It was at this point that she became a symbol for the struggle in
Burma
, particularly in the eyes of the
Western world
.
[58]
Suu Kyi, as the daughter of
Aung San
, who led the independence movement, appeared ready to lead the movement for democracy.
[59]
[
page needed
]
Suu Kyi urged the crowd not to turn on the army but find peace through
non-violent
means.
[60]
At this point in time for many in
Burma
, the uprising was seen as similar to that of the
People Power Revolution
in the
Philippines
in 1986.
[33]
Around this time, former Prime Minister
U Nu
and retired Brigadier General
Aung Gyi
also re-emerged onto the political scene in what was described as a "democracy summer" when many former democracy leaders returned.
[39]
Despite the gains made by the democracy movement,
Ne Win
remained in the background.
September
[
edit
]
During the September congress of 1988, 90% of party delegates (968 out of 1080) voted for a multi-party system of government.
[55]
The
Burma Socialist Programme Party
(BSPP) announced they would be organising an election, but the opposition parties called for their immediate resignation from government, allowing an interim government to organise elections. After the BSPP rejected both demands, protesters again took to the streets on 12 September 1988.
[55]
Nu promised elections within a month, proclaiming a provisional government. Meanwhile, the police and army began fraternising with the protesters.
[61]
The movement had reached an impasse relying on three hopes: daily demonstrations to force the regime to respond to their demands, encouraging soldiers to defect and appealing to an international audience in the hope that
United Nations
or
United States
troops would arrive.
[62]
Some Tatmadaw did defect, but only in limited numbers, mostly from the Navy.
[63]
Stephen Solarz
who had experienced the recent democracy protests in the
Philippines
and
South Korea
arrived in
Burma
in September encouraging the regime to reform, which echoed the policy of the
United States government
towards Burma.
[64]
[
page needed
]
By mid-September, the protests grew more violent and lawless, with soldiers deliberately leading protesters into skirmishes that the army easily won.
[65]
Protesters demanded more immediate change, and distrusted steps for incremental reform.
[66]
[
page needed
]
SLORC coup and crackdown
[
edit
]
If the military shoots, it has no tradition of shooting into the air. It shoots straight to kill.
On 18 September 1988, the military retook power in the country. General
Saw Maung
repealed the 1974 constitution and established the
State Law and Order Restoration Council
(
SLORC
), "imposing more Draconian measures than Ne Win had imposed."
[69]
[
page needed
]
After Maung had imposed martial law, the protests were violently broken up. The government announced on the state-run radio that the military had assumed power in the people's interest, "in order to bring a timely halt to the deteriorating conditions on all sides all over the country."
[70]
Tatmadaw
troops went through cities throughout
Burma
, indiscriminately firing on protestors.
[71]
Although an exact body count has not been determined as bodies were often cremated, it is estimated
[
by whom?
]
that within the first week of securing power, 1,000
students
,
monks
, and
schoolchildren
were
killed
, and another 500 were killed whilst protesting outside the United States embassy
[51]
? footage caught by a cameraman nearby who distributed the footage to the world's media.
[72]
Maung described the dead as "looters".
[72]
Protestors were also pursued into the jungle and some students took up training on the
country's borders with Thailand
.
[65]
"I would like every country in the world to recognize the fact that the people of Burma are being shot down for no reason at all."
?
Aung San Suu Kyi
, 22 September 1988
[61]
By the end of September, there were around 3,000 estimated deaths and unknown number of injured,
[65]
with 1,000 deaths in Rangoon alone.
[71]
At this point in time, Aung San Suu Kyi appealed for help.
[61]
On 21 September, the government had regained control of the country,
[71]
with the movement effectively collapsing in October.
[61]
By the end of 1988, it was estimated
[
by whom?
]
that 10,000 people, including protesters and soldiers, had been killed.
[6]
[
page needed
]
Aftermath
[
edit
]
Many in Burma believed that the regime would have collapsed if the United Nations and neighbouring countries had refused to recognise the legitimacy of the coup.
[73]
Western governments and Japan cut aid to the country.
[72]
Among Burma's neighbours,
India
was most critical; condemning the suppression, closing borders and setting up refugee camps along its border with Burma.
[74]
By 1989, 6,000
NLD
supporters had been detained and those who fled to the ethnic border areas, such as
Kawthoolei
, formed groups with those who sought greater
self-determination
.
[75]
It was estimated 10,000 had fled to mountains which were controlled by ethnic insurgents such as the
Karen National Liberation Army
(
KNLA
), and many of them later trained to become soldiers.
[76]
[77]
After the uprising, the SLORC waged a "clumsy propaganda" campaign against those who had organised the protests.
[78]
Intelligence Chief General
Khin Nyunt
, held
English-language
press conferences which were aimed at giving foreign diplomats and the media a favourable account of the SLORC's response to the protests.
[78]
[79]
During this period, more restrictions were imposed upon the
Burmese media
, denying it the relative freedom to report news which it had been able to exercise at the peak of the protests. In the conferences, he detailed a conspiracy in which
the right
was plotting to overthrow the regime with the assistance of "subversive foreigners" and a conspiracy in which
the left
was plotting to overthrow the State.
[78]
Despite the conferences, few believed the government's version of events.
[78]
While these conferences were going on, the SLORC was secretly negotiating with
mutineers
.
[79]
Between 1988 and 2000, the Burmese government established 20 museums which detailed the military's central role throughout
Burma's history
and the size of the military increased from 180,000 to 400,000.
[61]
The Burmese government also kept schools and universities closed in order to prevent future uprisings.
[61]
Initially,
Aung San Suu Kyi
,
U Tin Oo
and
Aung Gyi
publicly rejected the SLORC's offer to hold elections the following year, claiming that they could not be freely held while Burma was under military rule.
[80]
[81]
Significance
[
edit
]
Today, the uprising is commemorated by Burmese
expatriates
and citizens. In
Thailand
, students also commemorate the uprising every 8 August.
[82]
On the 20th anniversary of the uprising, 48 activists were arrested for commemorating the event in Burma.
[83]
The event garnered much support for the Burmese people internationally.
Poems
were written by students who participated in the protests. The
1995 film
Beyond Rangoon
is a fictionalized drama which is based on the events that took place during the uprising.
The uprising led to the death and imprisonment of thousands of individuals. Many of the deaths occurred inside the prisons, where prisoners of conscience were subjected to inhumane torture and deprived of basic provisions, such as food, water, medicine, and sanitation. From 1988 to 2012, the military and the police illegally detained and imprisoned tens of thousands of leaders of the Burmese pro-democracy movement, as well as
intellectuals
,
artists
,
students
, and
human rights
activists.
Pyone Cho
, one of the leaders of the uprising, spent 20 years of his adult life in prison.
Ko Ko Gyi
, another
leader
of the uprising, spent 18 years of his life in
prison
.
Min Ko Naing
was placed in
solitary confinement
for nine years for his role as a
leader
of the uprising.
[84]
Because the uprising began as a
student movement
, many of the individuals who were
arrested
,
imprisoned
,
tortured
, and
killed
by the police and the military were
high school
and
university students
.
Many of the student leaders of the uprising became lifelong human rights activists and leaders of the Burmese pro-democracy movement. Nineteen years later, many of these same activists also played a role in the
2007 Saffron Revolution
. The
88 Generation Students Group
, which is named after the events of 8 August 1988, organised one of the first protests which eventually culminated in the
Saffron Revolution
. But prior to the outbreak of large-scale demonstrations, its members were arrested and given lengthy prison sentences of up to 65 years. The activists who were arrested included prominent individuals such as
Min Ko Naing
,
Mya Aye
,
Htay Kywe
,
Mie Mie
,
Ko Ko Gyi
, Pyone Cho, Min Zeyar, Ant Bwe Kyaw, and
Nilar Thein
.
[85]
Though not an 88 Generation Students Group member, a solo protester
Ohn Than
also joined the demonstration.
[86]
All of them were released in a
general amnesty
in 2012. They continue to work as politicians and human rights activists in Myanmar. They also campaigned for the
National League for Democracy
(NLD) in the
2015 general election
. Pyone Cho, one of the main leaders of the 88 Generation, was elected to the
House of Representatives
in the 2015 Election.
Gallery
[
edit
]
See also
[
edit
]
Notes
[
edit
]
References
[
edit
]
- ^
"Talk to Doctor from 8888 historical picture - Part 1"
.
YouTube
.
Archived
from the original on 8 February 2022
. Retrieved
8 February
2022
.
- ^
Neeraj Gautam (2009).
Buddha, his life & teachings
. Mahavir & Sons Publisher.
ISBN
978-81-8377-247-1
.
[
permanent dead link
]
- ^
a
b
c
d
e
f
g
Fong (2008), pp. 149
- ^
a
b
c
Fogarty, Phillipa (7 August 2008).
Was Burma's 1988 uprising worth it?
Archived
12 January 2009 at the
Wayback Machine
.
BBC News
.
- ^
a
b
c
d
e
Ferrara (2003), pp. 313
- ^
a
b
c
d
Wintle (2007)
- ^
a
b
c
Yawnghwe (1995), pp. 170
- ^
Head, Jonathan (16 March 2021).
"Myanmar coup: What protesters can learn from the '1988 generation'
"
.
BBC News
.
Archived
from the original on 17 May 2021
. Retrieved
17 May
2021
.
- ^
Ferrara (2003), pp. 302?303
- ^
"Hunger for food, leadership sparked Burma riots".
Houston Chronicle
. 11 August 1988.
- ^
Tweedie, Penny. (2008).
Junta oppression remembered
Archived
2 May 2011 at the
Wayback Machine
.
Reuters
.
- ^
a
b
Burma Watcher (1989)
- ^
*Tallentire, Mark (28 September 2007).
The Burma road to ruin
Archived
4 March 2016 at the
Wayback Machine
.
The Guardian
.
- ^
a
b
Woodsome, Kate. (7 October 2007).
'Burmese Way to Socialism' Drives Country into Poverty
.
Voice of America
.
- ^
a
b
Steinberg (2002)
- ^
Aung-Thwin, Maureen. (1989).
Burmese Days
Archived
23 February 2006 at the
Wayback Machine
.
Foreign Affairs
.
- ^
Ottawa Citizen
. 24 September 1988. pg. A.16
- ^
Associated Press
.
Chicago Tribune
. 26 September 1988.
- ^
Wintle, p. 338.
- ^
"
'A dangerous time' in Myanmar: Burmese in California struggle for answers, attention"
.
Los Angeles Times
. 3 June 2021.
Archived
from the original on 18 September 2021
. Retrieved
19 September
2021
.
- ^
"[Interview] Myanmar democracy leader in S. Korea is "100% certain that this democratization movement will succeed"
"
.
english.hani.co.kr
.
Archived
from the original on 17 September 2021
. Retrieved
19 September
2021
.
- ^
"Myanmar coup: What protesters can learn from the '1988 generation'
"
.
BBC News
. 16 March 2021.
Archived
from the original on 26 September 2021
. Retrieved
19 September
2021
.
- ^
Lintner (1989), pp. 94?95.
- ^
a
b
c
d
Karthikeyan, Ananth (28 October 2017).
"A Ne Win Situation: Burma's three demonetizations"
.
Mint
.
Archived
from the original on 4 June 2021
. Retrieved
28 May
2021
.
- ^
a
b
Boudreau (2004), pp. 192
- ^
Williams, Nick B. Jr. (12 September 1987).
"Commerce Snarled as Burma Rules Much of Its Currency Is Worthless"
.
Archived
from the original on 4 June 2021
. Retrieved
28 May
2021
.
- ^
a
b
c
d
e
f
g
h
Tucker (2001), pp. 228
- ^
Fong (2008), pp. 146
- ^
Lwin (1992)
- ^
a
b
c
d
e
f
g
Boudreau (2004), pp. 193
- ^
Lintner (1989), pp. 95?97.
- ^
Yitri (1989)
- ^
a
b
c
d
Yawnghwe (1995), pp. 171
- ^
Fong (2008), pp. 147
- ^
Smith (1999), pp. 1?14
- ^
Fong (2008) pp. 147?148.
- ^
Fink (2001), pp. 51
- ^
a
b
c
Fong (2008), pp. 148
- ^
a
b
Smith (1999)
- ^
Fong (2008). In 1962, Lwin had ordered troops to fire on student protestors, killing dozens, and ordered the Union Building at Rangoon University to be blown up.
- ^
a
b
Boudreau (2004), pp. 202
- ^
Lintner (1989), pp. 126
- ^
Boudreau (2004) Two groups considered to have large underground and internal support networks
- ^
a
b
c
d
Boudreau (2004), pp. 203
- ^
a
b
c
Ghosh (2001)
- ^
a
b
c
Mydans, Seth. (12 August 1988).
Uprising in Burma: The Old Regime Under Siege
.
The New York Times
.
- ^
Williams Jr., Nick. (10 August 1988). "36 Killed in Burma Protests of Military Rule."
Los Angeles Times
.
- ^
a
b
c
Boudreau (2004), pp. 205
- ^
Callahan (2001)
- ^
a
b
Boudreau (2004), pp. 204
- ^
a
b
Burma Watcher (1989), pp. 179.
- ^
The Vancouver Sun
17 August 1988. pg. A.5
- ^
Fink (2001)
- ^
Fink (2001), pp. 58
- ^
a
b
c
d
Fong (2008), pp. 150
- ^
a
b
Boudreau (2004), pp. 208
- ^
Clements (1992)
- ^
Smith (1999), pp. 9
- ^
Silverstein (1996)
- ^
Fink (2001), pp. 60
- ^
a
b
c
d
e
f
Tucker (2001), pp. 229.
- ^
Boudreau (2004), pp. 212.
- ^
Callahan (1999), pp. 1.
- ^
United States State Department, 1988
- ^
a
b
c
Boudreau (2004), pp. 210.
- ^
Maung (1999)
- ^
Yeni.
"Twenty Years of Marking Time"
. The Irrawaddy. Archived from
the original
on 19 January 2012
. Retrieved
20 November
2011
.
- ^
Kyi May Kaung (8 August 2008).
"Burma: waiting for the dawn"
. Open Democracy. Archived from
the original
on 15 January 2012
. Retrieved
21 November
2011
.
- ^
Delang (2000)
- ^
Ferrara (2003), pp. 313?4.
- ^
a
b
c
Ferrara (2003), pp. 314.
- ^
a
b
c
Fong (2008), pp. 151
- ^
Yawnghwe (1995), pp. 172.
- ^
Europa Publications Staff (2002), pp. 872
- ^
Fong (2008), pp.152.
- ^
Smith (1999), pp. 371.
- ^
Smith (1999), pp. 17.
- ^
a
b
c
d
Boudreau (2004), pp. 190
- ^
a
b
Lintner (1990), pp. 52
- ^
Mydans, Seth. (23 September 1988).
Burma Crackdown: Army in Charge
.
The New York Times
.
- ^
Thein, Seinenu (May 2014).
"Heroes of Democracy: Burma's 88 Generation and the Legacy of Mandela"
.
Psychocultural Cinema
.
Archived
from the original on 19 July 2016
. Retrieved
15 June
2016
.
- ^
The Nation. (9 August 1997).
Burmese exiles mark protest
.
The Nation (Thailand)
.
- ^
*Tun, Aung Hla. (8 August 2008).
Myanmar arrests "8-8-88" anniversary marchers
Archived
8 January 2009 at the
Wayback Machine
.
International Herald Tribune
.
- ^
Moe, K Z (21 January 2012).
"The last night in the cell"
. The Irrawaddy.
Archived
from the original on 7 August 2016
. Retrieved
30 May
2016
.
- ^
Jonathan Head (11 November 2008).
"Harsh sentences for Burma rebels"
.
BBC News
.
Archived
from the original on 11 May 2011
. Retrieved
17 April
2011
.
- ^
"A former political prisoner was arrested for protesting alone in front of the United Nations office in Rangoon"
. Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. 23 September 2004. Archived from
the original
on 2 June 2011
. Retrieved
15 May
2011
.
Bibliography
[
edit
]
Books and journals
- Boudreau, Vincent. (2004).
Resisting Dictatorship: Repression and Protest in Southeast Asia.
Cambridge University Press.
ISBN
978-0-521-83989-1
.
- Burma Watcher. (1989).
Burma in 1988: There Came a Whirlwind.
Asian Survey,
29
(2). A Survey of Asia in 1988: Part II pp. 174?180.
- Callahan, Mary. (1999).
Civil-military relations in Burma: Soldiers as state-builders in the postcolonial era.
Preparation for the State and the Soldier in Asia Conference.
- Callahan, Mary. (2001).
Burma: Soldiers as State Builders.
ch. 17. cited in Alagappa, Muthiah. (2001).
Coercion and Governance: The Declining Political Role of the Military in Asia.
Stanford University Press.
ISBN
978-0-8047-4227-6
- Clements, Ann. (1992).
Burma: The Next Killing Fields?
Odonian Press.
ISBN
978-1-878825-21-6
- Delang, Claudio. (2000).
Suffering in Silence, the Human Rights Nightmare of the Karen People of Burma.
Parkland: Universal Press.
- Europa Publications Staff. (2002).
The Far East and Australasia 2003.
Routledge
.
ISBN
978-1-85743-133-9
.
- Ferrara, Federico. (2003).
Why Regimes Create Disorder: Hobbes's Dilemma during a Rangoon Summer.
The Journal of Conflict Resolution,
47
(3), pp. 302?325.
- Fink, Christina. (2001).
Living Silence: Burma Under Military Rule.
Zed Books.
ISBN
978-1-85649-926-2
- Fong, Jack. (2008).
Revolution as Development: The Karen Self-determination Struggle Against Ethnocracy (1949?2004).
Boca Raton, FL:BrownWalker Press.
ISBN
978-1-59942-994-6
- Ghosh, Amitav. (2001).
The Kenyon Review, New Series.
Cultures of Creativity: The Centennial Celebration of the Nobel Prizes.
23
(2), pp. 158?165.
- Hlaing, Kyaw Yin. (1996).
Skirting the regime's rules.
- Lintner, Bertil. (1989).
Outrage: Burma's Struggle for Democracy.
Hong Kong: Review Publishing Co.
- Lintner, Bertil. (1990).
The Rise and Fall of the Communist Party of Burma (CPB).
SEAP Publications.
ISBN
978-0-87727-123-9
.
- Lwin, Nyi Nyi. (1992).
Refugee Student Interviews
. A Burma-India Situation Report.
- Maung, Maung. (1999).
The 1988 Uprising in Burma.
Yale University Southeast Asia Studies.
ISBN
978-0-938692-71-3
- Silverstein, Josef. (1996).
The Idea of Freedom in Burma and the Political Thought of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
Pacific Affairs,
69
(2), pp. 211?228.
- Smith, Martin. (1999).
Burma ? Insurgency and the Politics of Ethnicity.
Zed Books.
ISBN
978-1-85649-660-5
- Steinberg, David. (2002).
Burma: State of Myanmar.
Georgetown University Press.
ISBN
978-0-87840-893-1
- Tucker, Shelby. (2001).
Burma: The Curse of Independence.
Pluto Press.
ISBN
978-0-7453-1541-6
- Wintle, Justin. (2007).
Perfect Hostage: a life of Aung San Suu Kyi, Burma's prisoner of conscience.
New York: Skyhorse Publishing.
ISBN
978-0-09-179681-5
- Yawnghwe, Chao-Tzang.
Burma: Depoliticization of the Political.
cited in Alagappa, Muthiah. (1995).
Political Legitimacy in Southeast Asia: The Quest for Moral Authority.
Stanford University Press.
ISBN
978-0-8047-2560-6
- Yitri, Moksha. (1989).
The Crisis in Burma: Back from the Heart of Darkness?
University of California Press.
Further reading
[
edit
]
- AP. (1988).
Burma Imposes Martial Law In the Capital After a Protest
Archived
14 July 2018 at the
Wayback Machine
,
The New York Times
, 4 August 1988.
- AP. (1988).
Road To Upheaval In Politics For Burmese
Archived
14 July 2018 at the
Wayback Machine
,
The New York Times
, 11 September 1988.
- Cumming-Bruce, Nick. (1988).
Burma's new leader imposes martial law
Archived
14 April 2016 at the
Wayback Machine
,
The Guardian
, 4 August 1988.
- Faulder, Dominic. (2008).
Memories of 8 August 1988
The Irrawaddy
, August 2008.
- Kamm, Henry. (1988).
Tension Reported High In Burma After Clashes
Archived
14 July 2018 at the
Wayback Machine
,
The New York Times
, 2 July 1988.
- Mydans, Seth. (1988).
A Burmese Power Shift; Though Government Schedules Election, Decision Rests With People in the Streets
Archived
10 November 2012 at the
Wayback Machine
,
The New York Times
, 12 September 1988.
- Mydans, Seth. (1988).
Defections Strain Burmese Military
Archived
14 July 2018 at the
Wayback Machine
,
The New York Times
, 10 September 1988.
- Mydans, Seth. (1988).
Many in Burma Say Ne Win Continues to Pull the Strings
Archived
14 July 2018 at the
Wayback Machine
,
The New York Times
, 13 September 1988.
- Richburg, Keith. (1988). Youths, Monks Fight Troops in Burma; Post-Coup Deaths Reported in Hundreds.
Washington Post
, 20 September 1988.
- Stewart, William. (1988).
Burma The Armed Forces Seize Power
,
TIME
, 26 September 1988.
- Protests mark Burma anniversary
Archived
16 October 2007 at the
Wayback Machine
,
BBC News
, 8 August 2003.
- Burma's 1988 Protests
Archived
11 May 2011 at the
Wayback Machine
,
BBC News
, 25 September 2007.
- Partial list of 8888 Uprising victims
,
The Irrawaddy
, 1 January 2003.
External links
[
edit
]