Human Rights Violations in Chechnya
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References
& Notes
[1] See for instance the
International Federation for Human Right
report
. That this is not a
simple hypotheses is also confirmed by State Duma deputy Sergey
Kovalyov, a former Soviet dissident, who served 12 years in Soviet
labor camps for his beliefs and is today actively engaged as a human
rights activist. See his short
report.
[2]
Civil
and military casualties of the wars in Chechnya
The
true amount of military and civil casualties suffered by both sides is
one of Russia's best kept secrets. Numbers vary widely.
However,
the Russian Interior Minister Kulikov claimed that during the first
Chechen war (1994-1996) fewer than 20,000 civilians were killed. State
Duma deputy Sergey Kovalyov, a former Soviet dissident, then a top
human rights official, oversaw research to estimate the death
toll. After two years of fighting, Kovalyov's team could offer
their conservative, documented estimate of more than 50,000
civilian deaths. Wheras then-Secretary of the National Security Council
Aleksander Lebed asserted that 80,000 to 100,000 had been killed and
240,000 had been injured. The number given by the Chechen authorities
was about 100,000. Human rights groups estimate 80,000.
The
Soldiers' Mothers of Russia group, basing its information on
information from wounded troops and soldiers' relatives (and counting
only regular troops, i.e. not the mercenaries/kontraktniki and special
service forces) estimated that 14,000 died in the first war — well over
twice the official toll of 5,500 dead and 700 missing.
Estimates
on the second Chechen war (August 1999 - March 2000), and on the
subsequent guerrilla warfare lasting to our days, are fuzzy. The
casualty reports issued by the Russian government throughout the war
have often been contradictory, apparently reflecting official attempts
to conceal losses.
Some
human rights groups estimate 20,000 civilians killed approxiamately
during the 1999-2002 period (see:
Russia
accused of killing 20.000 Chechen civilians
). But considering that
the second Chechen war has been at least as devastating as the first,
one expects that numbers must be comparable at least to those of the
first Chechen war, if not higher. Indeed some claim that the civilian
losses in Grozny alone were counted about 40,000 civilians during the
Russian bomb and missile war. The Maskhadov government today counts
about 150,000 civilians killed during military action or murdered or
disappeared later in the second war. Spokesman of the Domestic
Subcommittee of Informational Council of
State Defense Council «Majlis
al-Shura» of CRI reported
to Shariah news and information
agency that the overall civilian casualties in Chechen Republic of
Ichkeria over the last two Russian military aggressions against
Chechnya are at least 230 thousand. On November the 10th of 2004, the
chairman of Chechnya’s State Council,
Taus
Djabrailov, told
that about 200.000 people have been killed in the
Chechen Republic since 1994. Djabrailov is known to be a pro-Moscow man
and it is unlikely that he would overestimate the numbers. Later he dismissed
his own statements talking about 160.000 dead, of which only 25% of them where
Chechens while most casualties being ethnic Russians (this is quite strange
since not more than 20% of the original population in Chechnya was Russian).
About
the military casualties now.
According
to Artyom Vernidoub of the Russian Gazeta, the Interfax Defence Minstry
published unofficial data confirming that at March 2000, 2331 military
servicemen died from the hand of Chechen separatists, whereas a
November 2001 Kremlin report already spoke of 3438 killed. The
Soldiers' Mothers of Russia group always dismissed these government
casualty reports as "nonsense". Indeed, suddenly, on February 17, 2003,
the Russian defense ministry's press service itself told Interfax
another story again: law enforcement casualties totaled 4,572 with
another 15,549 wounded from October 1, 1999 through December 23, 2002.
But this came as a hasty response with an official denial of an
embarrassing Itar-Tass release which quoted military officials saying,
in the first apparent acknowledgment of high casualties in the nearly 3
1/2-year-old conflict, that in 2002 alone, 4,739 Russian servicemen
were killed in Chechnya, 13,108 more wounded and 29 went missing!
On August 8, 2003, the Soldiers' Mothers of Russia group estimated that
about 12,000 servicemen, have been killed and more than 30,000 wounded
since the war's start (however apparently contradicting an own report
of February 17
th
, 2004,which claimed that Russia lost 15,000
killed and 25,000 injured soldiers). However, despite all
, perhaps for an
overall view of the military losses during the two wars, the most
credible account remains
the Soldiers' Mothers of Russia group,
because
the committee's data are based on the lists presented by different
regions of Russia where each of it knows how many people were killed
because it is connected with the social support of the families.
Later, on
October 24, 2003,
according to an Itar-Tass press release, Colonel-General Nikolai
Rogozhkin, chief of the Interior Troops staff, told that a total of
2,898 Russian army soldiers and 4,720 soldiers of other law enforcement
agencies died since October 1, 1999. But a decisively different figure
emerged from the (British) International Institute for Strategic
Studies (IISS) which claims that Russian forces have suffered 4749
casualties in one year alone (between August 2002 and August 2003). A
casualty rate which is the highest since war resumed in 1999. The
Kremlin declined to comment on the IISS report. This makes the
estimates of the chechen side, if compared to the russian reports, more
credible. According to data estimated by the State News Agency
Cechenpress (11 Sep 2003), about 25,000 soldiers, officers, miltiamen,
members of special services, spetsnaz, pilots were killed and about
20,000 people were injured in Chechnya during the second
Russian-Chechen war. Russia said its forces had killed more than 15.000
rebels in separatist Chechnya since August 1999. Human Rights Watch and
other humanitarian groups called the figures grossly exaggerated.
Kavkazcenter claims that 5,000 killed Chechen Resistance soldiers were
killed during 4 years.
On July 6 2004, in an interview with the Moscow News
the head of the Committee
of
Soldiers' Mothers, the
executive secretary
Valentina Melnikova, told
that
the
number of killed and those who died of their wounds in the second
Chechen campaign is close to 13,000
. This number includes
those who died of their wounds later in hospitals in the number of
Chechen war victims.
In an onother previous
interview
on
Ekho
Moskvy radio
on
May 5th 2004,
Melnikova
stated that about 25
thousand soldiers, officers
and policemen who had fought on the side of the Russian armed forces
got killed in the course of two Chechen campaigns.
This number are soldiers who
died of wounds, diseases, connected to the war and who had committed
suicide. Besides this, at least, 50 thousand servicemen have suffered
traumas, mutilations, some of them have became invalids - emphasized
Melnikova.
Anyhow,
whatever the truth is, according to these unofficial figures, the war
in Chechnya results much more costly than Afghanistan. The shorter
Chechen wars have been far more deadly for Russian forces than the
Soviet war in Afghanistan, in which an estimated 14,000 Soviet forces
were killed and 35,000 wounded over close to a decade of combat. Its is
no wonder that Russian authorities hide their own public opinion the
truth.
So,
for the period from 1994 to 2003 estimates range from Chechen 50,000 to
250,000 civilians and 10,000 to 50,000 Russian servicemen. Given that
almost certainly both sides have tended to exaggerate enemy military
casualties while minimizing their own and grossly underestimating its
responsibility for civilian losses, setting the death toll,
from
the beginning of the first war to present days, at 150,000 - 200,000
civilians, about 20,000 - 40,000 Russian soldiers
and possibly the
same amount of Chechen rebels, is a plausible estimate (and still
perhaps a too conservative one). There are however well founded
analysis which came to different conclusions (for instance Norbert
Strade, the list moderator of the Yahoo mailing list on Chechnya, gives
a quite different picture on the casualties -
see
his account
.)
See
also a report by the
Federation
of American Scientists
about a military analysis on the
first
and
second
war in Chechnya . Also: an interesting
article on the military losses updated to March 2002:
Military
lose a soldier per day in Chechnya
- by Artyom Vernidoub.
[3] See also:
"Memorandum
to the United Nations Commission on Human Rights on the Human Rights
Situation in Chechnya"
, pag. 8 (Human Rights Watch, March 18,
2002).
"All
information regarding the bombardment of civilians are the propaganda
of terrorists that opened
a new front, that of the
battle of information", Putin told, according to an AFP of October 31,
1999.
[3b] "Chechnya said deadliest area for mines", by
Jonathan D. Salant, The Associated Press 9/9/2003, 12:16 p.m. CT &
"Russian rights envoy slams violations in Chechen refugees`
resettlement", Interfax, September 11, 2003.
[4]
Conditions in
Detention in Chehcen Republic Conflict Zone. Treatment of Detainees.
(From a report of "Memorial").
[5] From
an
interview with Oleg Orlov
, by Alice Lagnado, Crimes of War Project
(April 18,2003).
[6]
Russia.
Last Seen... : Continued "Disappearances" in Chehcnya.
(Human
Rights Watch. April 2002, Vol. 14, No. 3 (D)).
[6b]
The Situation in Chechnya and
Ingushetia Deteriorates -
New
Evidence of Enforced Disappearances, Rape, Torture, and Extrajudicial
Executions.
Joint Statement by Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, the
Medical Foundation for the Care of Victims of Torture, and
Memorial
[7]
Swept Under:
Torture, Forced Disappearances, and Extrajudical Killings during Sweep
Operations in Chechnya.
[Human Rights Watch. February 2002, Vol.14,
No.2 (D)].
[9]
"Memorandum
to the United Nations Commission on Human Rights on the Human Rights
Situation in Chechnya"
, pag. 9 (Human Rights Watch, March 18,
2002). Or also:
On Chechen's
Terrorism and Hostage History.
[10] As of January 2003, according to the Ingush
authorities, there are 65,000 refugees from Chechnya in the republic of
Ingushetia to date, while according to the Danish Refugee Council they
number 95,000. Of them 43,000 lived in tent refugee camps or
spontaneous
settlements. While the vast majority of internally displaced persons
from Chechnya were living in Ingushetia, about 5,000 are believed to be
still in Dagestan, and between 5,000 and 7,000 are believed to be
refugees in
Georgia. Because refugees in Georgia have not been registered, it is
difficult to confirm the accuracy of this estimate. Many others live in
Russia or are "scattered" throughout the world. About the situation of
the displaced population:
"Displaced
persons in Ingushetia" - by the Danish Refugee Council
. See also:
Chechnya / Ingushetia: Vulnerable Persons
Denied Assistance
(Médecins Sans Frontières, January
2002). Or also:
"Memorandum to the United Nations Commission on Human
Rights on the Human Rights Situation in Chechnya"
, pag. 13 (Human
Rights Watch, March 18, 2002).
The
UN published also interesting data
(however it must be emphasized
that because of Russia's power of veto UN reports can not be considered
as "independent").
[11]
According to an ITAR-TASS (19-12-2002),
the
Kremlin's representative to the Southern Federal District, Viktor
Kazantsev, said that "more than 400,000 Russian-speaking people
have left Chechnya". Instead according to the Moscow News (No. 49, Dec.
2002), Dmitry Pushkar claims that "before Dudayev came to power, there
were approximately 230,000 ethnic Russians living in Chechnya."
[11d] See for instance: "
Chechnya:
Learning to Parrot
", by Tanya Lokshina, Transitions Online, 5
August
2004.
[12d] For a personal account
by Dr. Khassan Baiev
who has written a memoir of his struggle to uphold the Hippocratic Oath
during both Russian-Chechen wars: "The Otah. A surgeon under fire",
Walker & Co.
[13]
From a statement of Olivier Dupuis at the
European Parliament sitting of Wednesday, 10 April 2002.
[16] In
particular, the June 8, 1977 Protocol II to the Geneva Conventions of
August 12, 1949, which the Russian federation is a party of.
[17]
Despite
the initial aperture of the 1990s, in the Russian media and among
journalists the old Soviet mentality and censorship
was probably only asleep. See about this an
interesting
account by Andrew Jack
of the Financial Times.
[18]
About the journalists and relief workers
abductions or death
click here
.
[20]
Aslan Maskhadov and
his government
President Aslan
Maskhadov, former commander of the Chechen armed forces during the
first war
and author, with Russian general Aleksandr Lebed, of the peace
agreements in the Khasaviurt Accords in August 1996, came to power with
an overwhelming majority as the head of a regularly and democratically
elected government in 1997 (the regularity of this election was
monitored and confirmed by different international independent
organization, among others the OSCE). Also the Russian government
recognized Maskhadov as the legitimate President of Chechnya.
However, after
the beginning of the second Chechen war, in 1999, Maskhadov, and all
his ministers, had to retire and operate clandestinely in Chechen
territory, and some of them had been imprisoned or fled in exile.
Maskhadov government was considered the moderate and legitimate
political representative part of Chechnya's population and continued to
appeal for a peaceful solution of the conflict
, rejected any form of terrorism
against innocent civilians
,
remaining open to
political talks without any precondition.
The Russian side however, convinced that sooner
or later a "final solution" by military means is possible, refused the
political alternative.
Aslan Maskhadov
Especially
after the October 2002 hostage taking in Moscow's theater and later
after the Beslan school massacre, Russian
authorities branded Maskhadov and all his ministers simply as
"terrorists". Maskhadov is for Putin what Bin Laden is for G.W.Bush. So
far however no reliable evidence on Maskhadov's, or on
any of his ministers', involvement in intentional attacks on civilians
emerged. While his political adversary, Shamil Basayev, appears on the
international black list of
terrorist organizations
of
the UN or
the US State Department, Maskhadov's name does not. Maskhadov was a
quite different figure than Dzhokhar Dudaev,
the former Chechen President. CW1 broke out not only because of
Yeltsin's corrupt, violent and selfish attitude and that of the
collaborators surrounding him, but also because Dudaev was indeed an
illegitimate, undemocratic and intransigent extremist. Maskhadov
instead always distanced himself from any terrorist or criminal
formation as any form of religious extremism and envisages a democratic
Chechnya based on libertarian values
(i
t might also important to recall that
he has always appealed for an independent
investigation into all war crimes committed by all sides in the
conflict. Russia refused this too). After offering a last
proposal for a peacful settlement of the already six years long
conflict in Chechnya and declaring a onesided ceasfire for one month,
both of which were rejected from Moscow's side, Aslan Maskhdov was
killed by Russian troops on March the 8th 2005.
Particularly
interesting in this regard is the case of Akhmed Zakayev, who since
2001 has been Aslan Maskhadov's special representative to Europe. From
30 October to 3 December he was under arrest in Denmark under an
extradition request from Russia. The charges filed against him were
what Russia defined "irrefutable information" about his involvement in
the Moscow theater siege of 23-26 October and other supposed crimes.
But after a meticulous inquiry, the Danish Justice Ministry, dismissed
these "information" as "insufficient and unconvincing" and Zakayev was
released. Somewhat surprisingly Zakayev flew to England on
December 5th 2002. He was detained at Heathrow airport, but released
the
next day after the famous Oscar winning actress Vanessa Redgrave, also
a human rights activist, posted 50,000 pounds (US $ 78,000) bail. What
he had in mind was to appear before Bow Street magistrates court in
central London again, because he "would like Britain to have its say as
well. Because neither Rogozin, Ivanov, nor anyone else will be able to
level charges that Denmark is a small country obsessed with its own
liberal democratic values against Britain."
Akhmed Zakayev
On
January 30 2003, the
British government had authorized the start of an extradition
proceeding against him. At a brief court hearing, Judge Timothy Workman
ordered Zakayev to attend a hearing on Feb. 14, when the court will set
a timetable for the months-long extradition process. Workman ruled that
Zakayev, who has been in Britain for almost two months, could remain
free on bail. Zakayev said there was no legal basis for extraditing him
to Russia. "If the Home Office launches extradition procedures, this
can only regarded as a political decision". He warned that extraditing
him to Russia would send the wrong signal about the West's attitude
toward alleged Russian human rights abuses in the Chechen war. "If
Britain takes the decision to extradite me to Russia, this will be a
sign that Europe is in solidarity with Russian methods in Chechnya," he
said. During the court case a highly disturbing claim from a
witness alleging that he had been tortured into providing accounts to
support the Russian Federation's extradition bid emerged. On this and
other grounds, finally, on November 13 2003, Workman rejected Russia's
request for the extradition of the Chechen envoy. "I have come to the
inevitable conclusion that if the (Russian) authorities are prepared to
resort to torturing witnesses, there is a substantial risk that Mr
Zakayev would himself be subject to torture," judge Timothy Workman
ruled. "The inevitable conclusion is that it would be unjust or
oppressive to return Mr Zakayev to the Russian Federation," added the
judge at Bow Street magistrates court in central London. "I find that
the Russian government are seeking extradition for purposes of
prosecuting Mr Zakayev on account of his nationality and his political
opinions," he said.
While the Russian side and its
puppet-quislings of the actual Kadyrov government are doing their best
to prove that Maskhadov and his ministers are involved in international
terrorism, from their side
they answered by
abducting
about 80 members of the family of Mr. Oumar Khanbiev
, Minister of
Health in Maskhadov's former government.
Mr. Pat
Cox, President of the European Parliament, received Khanbiev during his
stay in Strasbourg
and Khanbiev has met numerous MEPs from various
political groups in order to inform them of the abduction of his family
members.
Oumar Khanbiev
Anyhow, Maskhadov's
government has no longer any legal value for Russia and therefore
Moscow indicted for March 23, 2003 a constitutional referendum and
presidential elections in Chechnya, also in order to show that the
situation is normalized. But it has been declared as having no value
from human rights organizations because it was clear from the outset
that these elections were a farce because illegal means have been used
and all the candidates have been chosen by the Kremlin and the outcome
was already known.
So long however
there will be no new regular elections and Maskhadov's government
continues to appeal for a nonviolent political solution, he and his
ministers remain the only legitimate regular representatives of the
Chechen population. M.M.
[20] The word "radical" should not
suggest some form
of "extremism" or "fundamentalism". The TRP is a transnational but
originally an Italian political party. The word "radical" is the
unfortunate translation of the Italian word "radicale" which is the
adjective of "radice" (from the Latin "radix"), which in English means
"root". In this context to be a "radicale" means to be someone who
tries to find out the "root" of the problems. A political radical is
looking for the ultimate cause, i.e. the "root" of a political problem.
Exactly the opposite of extremism and fundamentalism.
[21]
Our main, even if not exclusive, source of
information are the press releases, articles and news reaching the
Yahoo group Chechnya list, moderated by Norbert Strade. Another source
are the
Transnational
Radical Party
(TRP)
[20]
press releases. (These are only some of the many possible examples one
can find and are, in any case, not intended to promote a particular
political party or movement. However, fact is that Olivier Dupuis, a
member of the European Parliament, and other members of the TRP are
actively investigating on the EU's political attitude towards Russia,
making particularly revealing discoveries).