World War II government-in-exile of Yugoslavia
The
Government of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in Exile
(
Serbo-Croatian
:
Vlada Kraljevine Jugoslavije u egzilu
,
Влада Кра?евине ?угослави?е у егзилу
) was an official
government-in-exile
of
Yugoslavia
, headed by King
Peter II
. It evacuated from
Belgrade
in April 1941, after the
Axis invasion of the country
, and went first to
Greece
, then to
Palestine
, then to
Egypt
, and finally, in June 1941, to the
United Kingdom
. Hence, it is also referred to as the
"Government in London"
(
Vlada u Londonu
,
Влада у Лондону
).
Background
[
edit
]
According to economics professor and historian
Jozo Tomasevich
, the
Kingdom of Yugoslavia
was politically weak from the moment of its creation in December 1918, and remained so during the
interwar period
mainly due to rigid centralism combined with strong ethno-religious identities.
In particular, the religious primacy of the
Serbian Orthodox Church
in national affairs and discrimination against
Roman Catholics
and
Muslims
compounded the dissatisfaction of the non-
Serb
population.
The kingdom's internal politics became ethnically polarised, a phenomenon that has been referred to as the "national question" in Yugoslavia.
Until 1929, this state of affairs was maintained by subverting the democratic system of government. In 1929, democracy was abandoned and a
royal dictatorship
was established by
King Alexander
.
The king attempted to weaken the ethnic divisions in the country by creating
administrative divisions
(
Serbo-Croatian Latin
:
banovine
) based on rivers rather than traditional regions.
By 1933, however, discontent in the largely
Croat
-populated
Sava Banovina
had developed into full-blown civil disorder, which the regime countered with a series of assassinations and arrests of key Croatian opposition figures.
When Alexander was assassinated in
Marseille
in 1934 by the Croatian nationalists, his cousin
Prince Paul
took over the
regency
, ruling on behalf of Alexander's 11-year-old son,
Peter II
.
In the aftermath of Alexander's assassination, Yugoslavia was isolated both militarily and diplomatically.
Prince Paul repeatedly attempted to negotiate a political settlement with
Vladko Ma?ek
, the
Croatian Peasant Party
(HSS) leader. In January 1937, Prime Minister
Milan Stojadinovi?
met with Ma?ek at Prince Paul's request, but Stojadinovi? was unable to contain Croat dissatisfaction with a Yugoslavia dominated by the Serbs.
In 1938, the
German annexation of Austria
gave Yugoslavia a common border with
Nazi
-ruled Germany.
That year, the commander of the
Royal Yugoslav Air Force
, Lieutenant General
Du?an Simovi?
, was involved in three coup plots?two early in the year driven by Serb opposition to the
concordat
with the
Vatican
and a later one sparked by dissatisfaction with results of
the December elections
.
On the evening of 3 February 1939, five ministers resigned from the government in response to a Serb nationalist speech made by the Minister of Education,
Bogoljub Kujund?i?
. The five were: the Slovene senate leader,
Anton Koro?ec
; the leader of the
Yugoslav Muslim Organization
(JMO),
Mehmed Spaho
; another JMO politician,
D?afer Kulenovi?
; the Slovene
Franc Snoj
; and the Serb
Dragi?a Cvetkovi?
.
Prince Paul then dismissed Stojadinovi? and appointed Cvetkovi? in his place, with a direction that he reach an agreement with the Croat leader Ma?ek.
While these negotiations were ongoing,
Italy invaded Albania
. In August 1939, the
Cvetkovi??Ma?ek Agreement
was concluded to create the
Banovina of Croatia
, which was to be a relatively autonomous political unit within Yugoslavia. Separatist Croats considered the Agreement did not go far enough, while many Serbs believed it went too far.
The Cvetkovi?-led cabinet formed in the wake of the agreement was resolutely anti-Axis,
and included five members of the HSS, with Ma?ek as deputy Prime Minister.
Lead-up to invasion
[
edit
]
By the time of the German
invasion of Poland
and subsequent outbreak of
World War II
in September 1939, the Yugoslav Intelligence Service was cooperating with British intelligence agencies on a large scale across the country. This cooperation, which had existed to a lesser extent during the early 1930s, intensified after the
Anschluss
in 1938. These combined intelligence operations were aimed at strengthening Yugoslavia and keeping her neutral while encouraging covert activities.
From the outbreak of war British diplomacy focused on keeping Yugoslavia neutral, which the Ambassador
Ronald Campbell
apparently still believed possible.
In mid-1940, German pressure on the government resulted in the resignation of the
Minister of the Interior
, Dr. Stanoje Mihald?i?, who had been organising covert anti-Axis activities.
In mid to late 1940, British intelligence became aware of coup plotting, but managed to side-track the plans, preferring to continue working through Prince Paul.
The
Special Operations Executive
(SOE) office in Belgrade went to significant lengths to support the opposition to the anti-Axis Cvetkovi? government, which undermined the hard-won balance in Yugoslav politics that government represented. SOE Belgrade was entangled with pro-Serb policies and interests, and disregarded or underestimated warnings from SOE Zagreb and British diplomats in that city, who better understood the situation in Yugoslavia as a whole.
In October 1940, Simovi? was again approached by plotters planning a coup but he was non-committal.
Yugoslavia's situation worsened in October 1940 when
Italy invaded Greece
from
Albania
, and the initial failure of the Italians to make headway only increased Yugoslav apprehension that Germany would be forced to attack
Greece
in order to help Italy. In September and November 1940 respectively, Germany forced
Hungary
and
Romania
to accede to the
Tripartite Pact
.
In early November 1940, Nedi?, who believed that Germany would win the war, proposed to the government that it abandon its neutral stance and join the Axis as soon as possible in the hope that Germany would protect Yugoslavia against its "greedy neighbors".
A few days later Prince Paul, having realised the impossibility of following Nedi?'s advice, replaced him.
Germany's planned invasion of Greece would be simplified if Yugoslavia could be neutralised.
Over the next few months, Prince Paul and his ministers laboured under overwhelming German diplomatic pressure, the threat of an attack by the Germans from
Bulgarian
territory, and the unwillingness of the British to promise practical military support.
By late 1940, British policy towards the government of Yugoslavia had shifted from acceptance of Yugoslav neutrality to pressuring the country for support in the war against Germany.
In January 1941, the US placed additional pressure on Prince Paul, urging non-cooperation with Germany.
On 14 February,
Adolf Hitler
met with Cvetkovi? and Yugoslav foreign minister
Aleksandar Cincar-Markovi?
, and requested Yugoslavia's accession to the Tripartite Pact. He also pushed for the demobilisation of the
Royal Yugoslav Army
,
and the granting of permission to transport German supplies through Yugoslavia's territory, along with greater economic cooperation. In exchange he offered a port near the
Aegean Sea
and territorial security.
On 1 March, Yugoslavia was further isolated when Bulgaria signed the Pact and the German army arrived at the Bulgarian-Yugoslav border.
On 4 March, Prince Paul secretly met with Hitler in
Berchtesgaden
and was again pressured to sign the Pact. Hitler did not request troop passage through Yugoslavia and offered the Greek city of
Salonika
.
A time limit for Prince Paul, who was uncommitted and "wavering", wasn't set. Prince Paul, in the middle of a cabinet crisis, offered a
nonaggression pact
and a declaration of friendship, but Hitler insisted on accession to the Pact.
Prince Paul warned that "I fear that if I follow your advice and sign the Tripartite Pact I shall no longer be here in six months."
Yugoslavia signs the Pact
[
edit
]
On 17 March, Prince Paul returned to Berchtesgaden and was told by Hitler that it was his last chance for Yugoslavia to join the Pact, renouncing this time the request for the use of Yugoslav railways in order to facilitate their accession.
On 19 March, Prince Paul convened a Crown Council to discuss the terms of the Pact and whether Yugoslavia should sign it.
The Council's members were willing to agree, but only under the condition that Germany let its concessions be made public. Germany agreed and the Council approved the terms. Three cabinet ministers resigned on 20 March in protest of the impending signing of the Pact.
The Germans reacted by imposing an ultimatum to accept by midnight 23 March or forfeit any further chances.
Prince Paul and Cvetkovi? obliged and accepted, despite believing German promises were "worthless".
On 23 March, Germany's guarantee of Yugoslavia's territorial security and its promise not to use its railroads were publicised.
In the
United Kingdom
,
Alexander Cadogan
, the
Permanent Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs
, penned in his diary that the "Yugoslavs seem to have sold their souls to the Devil. All these Balkan peoples are trash."
On 25 March, the pact was signed at the
Belvedere
palace in
Vienna
. German radio later announced that "the Axis Powers would not demand the right of passage of troops or war materials," while the official document mentioned only troops and omitted mention of war materials. Likewise the pledge to give Salonika to Yugoslavia does not appear on the document.
On the following day, Serb demonstrators gathered on the streets of Belgrade shouting "Better the grave than a slave, better a war than the pact" (Serbo-Croatian Latin:
Bolje grob nego rob, Bolje rat nego pakt
).
Coup d'etat
[
edit
]
A
coup d'etat
occurred on 27 March 1941 in
Belgrade
. The coup was planned and conducted by a group of pro-Western
Serb
-nationalist Royal Yugoslav Air Force and Royal Guard officers formally led by Simovi?. For practical purposes several others performed leadership roles in the conduct of the coup. Some other civilian leaders were probably aware of the coup before it was launched and moved to support it once it occurred, but they were not among the organisers. The
Communist Party of Yugoslavia
played no part in the coup, although it made a significant contribution to the mass street protests in many cities that signalled popular support for the coup after it occurred. The coup was successful and overthrew the three-member regency as well as the government of Cvetkovi?. The coup had been planned for several months, but the signing of the Tripartite Pact spurred the organisers to carry it out, encouraged by the SOE. The military conspirators brought to power the 17-year-old king, whom they declared to be of age to assume the throne, and a government of national unity was formed with Simovi? as prime minister and Ma?ek and
Slobodan Jovanovi?
as his vice-premiers.
Post-coup government
[
edit
]
In the wake of the coup, Simovi?'s new government refused to ratify Yugoslavia's signing of the Tripartite Pact, but did not openly rule it out. Hitler, angered by the coup and anti-German incidents in Belgrade, gathered his senior officers and ordered that Yugoslavia be crushed without delay.
On the same day as the coup he issued
Fuhrer Directive
25 which called for Yugoslavia to be treated as a hostile state.
Italy was to be included in the operations and the directive made specific mention that "[e]fforts will be made to induce Hungary and Bulgaria to take part in operations by offering them the prospect of regaining Banat and Macedonia".
Furthermore, the directive stated that "[i]nternal tensions in Yugoslavia will be encouraged by giving political assurances to the Croats".
On 30 March, Foreign Minister
Mom?ilo Nin?i?
summoned the German ambassador Viktor von Heeren and handed him a statement which declared that the new government would accept all its international obligations, including accession to the Tripartite Pact, as long as the national interests of the country were protected. Von Heeren returned to his office to discover a message from Berlin instructing that contact with Yugoslav officials was to be avoided, and he was recalled to Berlin. No reply was given to Nin?i?. On 2 April orders were issued for the evacuation of the German embassy, and the German
charge d'affaires
advised the diplomats of friendly countries to leave the country.
On 3 April, Fuhrer Directive 26 was issued, detailing the plan of attack and command structure for the invasion. Hungary and Bulgaria were promised the
Banat
and
Yugoslav Macedonia
respectively and the Romanian army was asked not to take part, holding its position at the countries' border.
Internal conflict in Hungary over the invasion plans between the army and Teleki led to the Prime Minister's suicide that same evening. Also on 3 April,
Edmund Veesenmayer
, representing the
Dienststelle Ribbentrop
, arrived in Zagreb in preparation for a regime change.
Simovi? named Ma?ek as Deputy Prime Minister once again in the new government, but Ma?ek was reluctant and remained in Zagreb while he decided what to do. While he considered the coup had been an entirely Serbian initiative aimed at both Prince Paul and the Cvetkovi??Ma?ek Agreement, he decided that he needed to show HSS support for the new government and that joining it was necessary.
On 4 April he travelled to Belgrade and accepted the post,
on several conditions; that the new government respect the Cvetkovi??Ma?ek Agreement and expand the autonomy of the Banovina Croatia in some respects, that the new government respect the country's accession to the Tripartite Pact, and that one Serb and one Croat temporarily assume the role of regents.
That same day exiled Croatian politician and
Usta?e
leader
Ante Paveli?
called for Croats to start an uprising against the government over his Radio Velebit program based in Italy.
On 5 April the new cabinet met for the first time. While the first two conditions set by Ma?ek were met, the appointment of regents was impracticable given Prince Peter had been declared to be of age. Involving representatives from across the political spectrum, Simovi?'s cabinet was "extremely disunited and weak".
It included members who fell into three groups; those who were strongly opposed to the Axis and prepared to face war with Germany, those who advocated peace with Germany, and those that were uncommitted.
Invasion and flight
[
edit
]
The Axis invasion of Yugoslavia began on 6 April. The
bombing of Belgrade
forced the government to seek shelter outside the city.
From there, King Peter and Simovi? planned to leave for exile. Ma?ek, refusing to leave the country, resigned on 7 April and designated
Juraj Krnjevi?
as his successor.
Ma?ek returned to Zagreb. Three other ministers also refused to leave Yugoslavia:
Ivan Andres
and
Bari?a Smoljan
of the HSS and Kulenovi? of the JMO.
The government met on Yugoslav soil for the last time on 13 April near
Pale
. From there they travelled to
Nik?i?
where they were flown out of the country to Athens.
Simovi? cabinet
[
edit
]
King Peter, all the main leaders of the coup d'etat, most of Simovi?'s cabinet and a number of government officials flew out of Yugoslavia to Greece on 14?15 April. After a brief stop in Athens, they travelled on to Jerusalem where they were temporarily accommodated. On 21 June, the king and most of the cabinet arrived in London. Several members of the cabinet that left Yugoslavia did not travel to London, and ended up in the United States or Canada. Some politicians and government officials travelled to Cape Town, South Africa, where they constituted a reserve government of sorts.
Bogoljub Ili?
, who remained Minister of the Army and Navy and also became Chief of the General Staff in place of Simovi?, established a new Yugoslav Supreme Command in Cairo. The
remnants
of the Royal Yugoslav Army and Navy that had escaped the country were concentrated in Palestine and Egypt under his command. The government also appointed a special representative in the Middle East, Jovan đonovi?, who was responsible for propaganda and communication with contacts in occupied Yugoslavia.
Although the coup d'etat had generated a significant amount of goodwill towards the post-coup government in the West, that spirit had evaporated with the
ignominious
defeat of the government and armed forces during the invasion. Much of the early effort of the Serb members of the cabinet was focussed on fixing the blame for the defeat on the
Usta?e
or even on Croats more generally.
The Kingdom of Yugoslavia was soon divided by the Axis into several entities.
Germany
,
Italy
,
Hungary
, and
Bulgaria
annexed some border areas outright. A
Greater Germany
was expanded to include most of
Drava Banovina
. Italy added the
Governorship of Dalmatia
and more than a third of western Drava Banovina to the
Italian Empire
. An expanded Croatia was recognized by the Axis as the
Independent State of Croatia
(
Nezavisna Dr?ava Hrvatska
, NDH). On paper, the NDH was a kingdom, and the
4th Duke of Aosta
was crowned as King Tomislav II of Croatia. The
rump
Serbian territory
became a military administration of Germany run by military governors, with a Serb civil government led by
Milan Nedi?
. Nedi? attempted to gain German recognition of Serbia as a successor state to Yugoslavia and claimed
King Peter II
as Serbia's monarch.
Puppet states
were also set up in
Montenegro
and southern Yugoslavia. Hungary
occupied and annexed several northern regions
.
King Peter II
, who had escaped into exile, was still recognized as king of the whole state of Yugoslavia by the
Allies
. Starting on 13 May 1941, the largely
Serbian
"
Yugoslav Army of the Fatherland
" (
Jugoslovenska vojska u otad?bini
, or JVUO, or
?etniks
) resisted the Axis occupation of Yugoslavia (the Chetniks later collaborated with the Axis). This anti-German and anti-communist
resistance movement
was commanded by Royalist General
Dra?a Mihailovi?
. For a long time, the ?etniks were supported by the
British
, the
United States
, and the Yugoslavian royal government in exile of King Peter II.
However, over the course of the war, effective power changed to the hands of
Josip Broz Tito
's Communist
Partisans
. In 1943, Tito proclaimed the creation of the
Democratic Federative Yugoslavia
(
Demokratska federativna Jugoslavija
). The Allies gradually recognized Tito's forces as the stronger opposition to the German occupation. They began to send most of their aid to Tito's Partisans, rather than to the Royalist
?etniks
. On 16 June 1944, the
Tito??uba?i? agreement
was signed, merging the
de facto
and the
de jure
governments of Yugoslavia.
During his exile, King Peter II was educated at
Cambridge University
, served in the
Royal Air Force
and married
Princess Alexandra of Greece and Denmark
, who was the only child of the late
King Alexander I of Greece
and
Princess Aspasia of Greece and Denmark
.
Jovanovi? cabinet
[
edit
]
Jovanovi? took office as prime minister on 11 January 1942 with the dismissal of Simovi?. His original appointment as vice-premier in the Simovi? government had been in recognition of the respect he engendered, and because he was seen as a Serb counterpart to Ma?ek as an overall leader of the Serbs across the country. He was a
positivist
, non-romantic liberal who was opposed to both fascism and communism, but was not directly connected to any political party. Simovi? was dropped from the cabinet, as was Ili?, who had been Minister of the Army. The latter was replaced by Mihailovi?, but because he was in Yugoslavia, the government in London was now in the hands of civilians.
Trifunovi? cabinet
[
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]
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Puri? cabinet
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?uba?i? cabinet
[
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]
Ivan ?uba?i?
took office on 1 June 1944. He was appointed to negotiate with
Tito
because of his special position in the Croatian Peasant Party, his loyalty to the
Karađorđevi? dynasty
, his moderation in comparison with other Croatian politicians, and his experience in difficult situations. Nevertheless, his nomination after months of British pressure on the king depended on the elimination of Mihailovich from the cabinet.
Ten days after his nomination, ?uba?i? fled to the island of Vis in the
Adriatic Sea
in order to meet with Tito and try to form a coalition government. Tito agreed to postpone a decision on the form of government until the end of the war, and ?uba?i?, for his part, recognised that only the partisan administration of the Yugoslav territory would receive support. He also promised that the government would include only people who had not previously opposed Tito and his organisation, and that it would concentrate on securing international support. The agreement was signed on 16 June with no consultation by ?uba?i? or with the king.
After his return, ?uba?i? formed a government of five ministers, with two of them proposed by Tito. Mihailovich lost his position as war minister. He refused to recognise the new government and continued to proclaim his loyalty to the king.
On 12 September, the king went on the radio to ask people to support Tito.
?uba?i? met with Tito in
Belgrade
on 1 November. Under their agreement, the King was not authorised to return to the country until a plebiscite was held about the monarchy. After ?uba?i? returned to London, the king rejected the agreement and replaced ?uba?i? on 23 January 1945. But under British pressure, the king was compelled to call him back six days later and to accept the principle of a regency.
Two weeks later, ?uba?i? and his ministers went to Belgrade. A new coalition government was formed on 7 March, in which Tito controlled 20 ministers of 28. This ended the government in exile.
Foreign policy
[
edit
]
Armed forces
[
edit
]
In exile, the Royal Yugoslav Forces were initially under the command of General
Bogoljub Ili?
as minister of the Army, Navy and Air Force and chief of the General Staff, and General
Borivoje Mirkovi?
as commander of the Air Force. There were initially about 1,000 men in these forces in
Cairo
. On 12 January 1942, the king dismissed the prime minister, Ili? and Mirkovi?, provoking a mutiny by officers supportive of the Air Force general.
[52]
The king then appointed Colonel
Dragoljub Mihailovi?
, leader of the
?etniks
in Yugoslavia, as minister and chief of staff to replace Ili?
in absentia
; he then appointed General
Petar ?ivkovi?
to act as Mihailovi?'s deputy in London and Cairo.
[52]
Mihailovi? was dismissed in August 1944 as Allied support shifted away from the ?etniks. On 7 March 1945, the king dissolved the government and disbanded the armed forces, proclaiming Tito's
Partisans
on the ground to be the sole legitimate government and military.
[52]
The first unit of the
Royal Yugoslav Army
to be formed in exile was the 1st Battalion, Royal Yugoslav Guards, under Major ?ivan Kne?evi?. It comprised a headquarters and four rifle companies (A, B, C and D). Of its original complement of 505 men, 411 were
Slovenes
who had been conscripted into the
Royal Italian Army
and subsequently captured by the British.
[52]
In January 1942, command of this unit passed to Lieutenant Colonel Miloje Dini?, and on 19 February to Lt. Col. Milan Prosen, after Dini? was implicated in the pro-Mirkovi? mutiny. (He and 57 other Guards were interned by the British at the Torah camp in March, along with all 346 of the Yugoslav Air Force's ground personnel.)
[53]
In late February, the unit was ordered to relieve the Czechoslovak contingent at the
siege of Tobruk
, but was diverted to join the
11th Brigade
,
4th (Indian) Division
in Libya. In April, it retreated to
Halfaya Pass
and then to
Mersa Matruh
. In July, it was reassigned to the
9th (British) Army
in
Mandatory Palestine
to guard the oil refinery at
Haifa
.
[52]
In January 1943, when Lt. Col. Franc Stropnik assumed command, the battalion was 850 strong and well-trained. It was attached to the
25th Brigade
,
10th (Indian) Division
. Before the end of the year, monarchist and communist (pro-Tito) factions had appeared in the ranks; numbers dwindled. Barely the size of a company, a rump unit was sent to the
Italian theatre
with its brigade in March 1944.
[53]
It was disbanded soon after, despite the recruitment of 2,000 captured Slovene conscripts assembled in
Algiers
by Prosen. The British refused to ferry these men to Cairo, so they were assigned labour duties.
[53]
After the fall of Yugoslavia, 105 personnel of the
Royal Yugoslav Navy
, under Commander
Z. V. Adami?
, joined the
Mediterranean Fleet
at
Alexandria
in Egypt.
[53]
Two
motor torpedo boats
(MTBs),
Durmitor
and
Kajmak?alan
, and a submarine,
Neboj?a
, ran the gauntlet of the Adriatic, evading the
Italian Navy
, and arrived in
Suda Bay
on 22?23 April before proceeding to Alexandria.
[54]
The MTBs participated in the
Syria and Lebanon campaign
, while
Neboj?a
undertook training exercises.
[53]
Ten floatplanes of the
Naval Air Force
also escaped. On 3 June 1941, eight
Dornier Do 22kj
and two
Rogo?arski SIM-XIV-H
formed the 2 (Yugoslav) Squadron of the
No. 230 Squadron RAF
, based in
Aboukir
. They participated in the
Battle of Crete
and patrolled the African coast until the unit was disbanded on 23 April 1942.
[53]
In late 1943, Commander J. Saksida was given command of a torpedo boat flotilla based at
Malta
, which included some former Yugoslav MTBs that had been captured by Italy in 1941 and then surrendered to the Allies after
Italy's armistice
, as well as three minelayers:
Melinje
,
Miljet
and
Villa
. The Yugoslav Navy was also operating eight former American
PT boats
and, after 11 January 1944, the ex-
HMS
Mallow
(renamed
Nada
), out of
Livorno
in Italy. In March 1945, all Royal Yugoslav vessels assembled at
Ancona
in preparation for the handover to Tito's forces, which occurred in August.
[53]
The negotiations for the transfer of the vessels under British command took place on
Vis
. The royal representative was Captain
Ivan Kern
, whom Tito later promoted to rear admiral.
The eleven aircraft of the
Royal Yugoslav Air Force
to make it to Alexandria were requisitioned by the British. Several
Savoia-Marchetti SM.79s
piloted by Yugoslavs joined
No. 117 Squadron RAF
and flew transport missions along the
Takoradi air route
.
[55]
On 2 July 1942, the interned Yugoslav Air Force personnel and Guards in Alexandria were formed into the 244 Temporary Battalion of the
King's Own Royal Regiment
, but after a pro-Tito mutiny in November 1943, the unit was disbanded. Its personnel were transferred to the diminished Royal Guards, while 224 of the Air Force men joined the
Balkan Air Force
in Libya.
[53]
Joined by Partisan volunteers, these men formed
No. 352 Squadron RAF
on 22 April 1944 and
No. 352 Squadron
on 1 July. They mainly flew
Hawker Hurricanes
and
Supermarine Spitfires
in operations over Yugoslavia in support of the Partisans. Both squadrons were disbanded on 15 June 1945.
[53]
Prime Ministers
[
edit
]
- ^
a
b
c
d
e
Nigel Thomas (1991),
Foreign Volunteers of the Allied Forces, 1939?45
(Oxford: Osprey Publishing), 34.
- ^
a
b
c
d
e
f
g
h
i
Thomas,
Foreign Volunteers
, 35.
- ^
For a detailed account of their escape, cf. A. D. Divine (1944),
Navies in Exile
(New York: Dutton).
- ^
A. D. Harvey (2015), "A Slow Start: Military Air Transport at the Beginning of the Second World War",
Air Power History
62
(1): 6?15.
References
[
edit
]
Books
[
edit
]
- Creveld, Martin L. Van
(1973).
Hitler's Strategy 1940?1941: The Balkan Clue
. London, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press.
ISBN
978-0-521-20143-8
.
- Dragnich, Alex N. (1983).
The First Yugoslavia: Search for a Viable Political System
. Stanford, California: Hoover Press.
ISBN
978-0-8179-7843-3
.
- Frank, Tibor (2001). "Treaty Revision and Doublespeak: Hungarian Neutrality, 1939?1941". In Wylie, Neville (ed.).
European Neutrals and Non-Belligerents During the Second World War
. Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press. pp. 150?191.
ISBN
978-0-521-64358-0
.
- Goldstein, Ivo
(2003).
Goldstein, Slavko
(ed.).
Hrvatska povijest
[
Croatian History
] (in Serbo-Croatian). Zagreb, Croatia: Novi Liber.
ISBN
978-953-6045-22-8
.
- Hehn, Paul N. (2005).
A Low Dishonest Decade : The Great Powers, Eastern Europe, and the Economic Origins of World War II, 1930?1941
. London, United Kingdom: Continuum International Publishing Group.
ISBN
978-0-8264-1761-9
.
- Hoptner, Jacob B. (1963).
Yugoslavia in crisis, 1934?1941
. New York, New York: Columbia University Press.
OCLC
310483760
.
- Malcolm, Noel
(1994).
Bosnia: A Short History
. New York, New York: New York University Press.
ISBN
978-0-8147-5520-4
.
- Milazzo, Matteo J. (1975).
The Chetnik Movement & the Yugoslav Resistance
. Baltimore, Maryland: Johns Hopkins University Press.
ISBN
978-0-8018-1589-8
.
- Pavlowitch, Stevan K.
(2007).
Hitler's New Disorder: The Second World War in Yugoslavia
. New York: Columbia University Press.
ISBN
978-1-85065-895-5
.
- Ramet, Sabrina P.
(2006).
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.
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