Ancient Near Eastern moon god
Yarikh
(
Ugaritic
:
??????
,
YR?
, "moon"
), or
Yara?um
,
[3]
: 118?119
was a
moon god
worshiped in the
Ancient Near East
. He is best attested in sources from the
Amorite
city of
Ugarit
in the north of modern
Syria
, where he was one of the principal deities. His primary cult center was most likely Larugadu, located further east in the proximity of
Ebla
. His mythic cult center is Abiluma.
[5]
He is also attested in other areas inhabited by Amorites, for example in
Mari
, but also in
Mesopotamia
as far east as
Eshnunna
. In the Ugaritic texts, Yarikh appears both in strictly religious context, in rituals and offering lists, and in narrative compositions. He is the main character in
The Marriage of
Nikkal
and Yarikh
, a myth possibly based on an earlier
Hurrian
composition. The eponymous goddess was regarded as his wife in Ugarit, but she is not attested in documents from most other Syrian cities, and most likely only entered the
Ugaritic pantheon
due to the influence of Hurrian religion.
Ugarit ceased to exist during the
Bronze Age collapse
, and while Yarikh continued to be worshiped in the
Levant
and
Transjordan
, attestations from the first millennium BCE are relatively rare. He played a small role in
Phoenician
,
Punic
,
Ammonite
and
Moabite
religions, and appears only in a small number of
theophoric names
from these areas. It is also presumed that he was worshiped by the
Israelites
and that the cities of
Jericho
and
Beth Yerach
were named after him. While the
Hebrew Bible
contains multiple polemics against the worship of the moon, it is not certain if they necessarily refer to Yarikh.
Name
[
edit
]
The name Yarikh (Yari?;
??????
YR?
) is an ordinary Ugaritic word which can refer not only to the
lunar god
, but also to the moon as a
celestial body
.
A further meaning attested for it is "
month
."
Earlier forms of the name, (Y)arakh and (Y)erakh, are attested as elements of
Amorite
theophoric names
.
The name is
grammatically
masculine,
which is the norm for lunar deities across the
Ancient Near East
, in contrast with Greece, where the moon corresponded to a female deity,
Selene
.
Cognates
of Yarikh's name are present in many
Semitic languages
.
As a name for the celestial body and the ordinary word "month" they are attested in
Hebrew
:
???
YR?
,
Phoenician
:
??????
YR?
,
Old Aramaic
:
??????
YR?
(however, the name of the Aramaic moon god, ?ahr, is not a cognate
);
Palmyrene Aramaic
:
??????
YR?
; and
Nabataean Aramaic
:
??????
YR?
).
The
Akkadian
word
war?um
, "month" or rarely "moon," is a cognate as well,
as are
Old South Arabian
wr?
, "month," and the word
war?
, "moon" or "month," present in
Ethiopian Semitic languages
.
In early Amorite tradition
[
edit
]
It is presumed that the moon god was one of the major deities of the early Amorite pantheon.
Daniel Schwemer outright states that next to
Hadad
he was the main deity of the entire area inhabited by the Amorites.
He was commonly worshiped as a family deity.
His presumed main cult center, attested in the
Ugaritic texts
,
but located further inland in central Syria,
presumably in the proximity of Ebla, was Larugadu (
lrgt
), identified with Arugadu from the earlier
Eblaite
sources.
No references to this location from outside the Ugarit and Ebla corpora of texts are known.
Since Yarikh himself is not attested in the sources from the latter city, it is presumed that he was only introduced to northern Syria by the Amorites.
The Eblaites instead referred to their moon god as Suinu, similar as their contemporaries in
Kish
, and in addition to phonetic writing
Zu-i-nu
adopted the Mesopotamian convention of using
d
EN.ZU to represent the name of the moon deity in cuneiform.
While Suinu's name is a cognate of Akkadian
Sin
, it is presumed that his cult developed locally and was not introduced from Mesopotamia.
His cult center was apparently NI-
ra-ar
ki
, a city located close to Ebla.
A second possible lunar deity worshiped in Ebla was
?anugaru
.
Due to Yarikh's association with Larugardu, it has additionally been argued that the god
Hadabal
(
d
NI.DA.KUL), who was worshiped there in the third millennium BCE, had lunar character,
but this conclusion is not universally accepted.
Alfonso Archi assumes that the diffusion of Hadabal's cult, whose territorial extent is well documented in Eblaite texts, does not appear to match his presumed astral character.
Yarikh (Erakh) is well attested in Amorite
theophoric names
.
In
Old Babylonian
Mari
, he appears in thirty nine individual types of names.
Examples include Abdu-Erakh, "servant of Yarikh," Uri-Erakh, "light of Yarikh," Yantin-Erakh, "Yarikh has given" and Zimri-Erakh, "protection of Yarikh."
Individuals bearing them came from various areas in the kingdom and near it, including the city of Mari itself,
Terqa
, Saggartum, the
Khabur Triangle
(where particularly many are attested), the area around the
Balikh
,
Suhum
and Zalmaqum.
A certain Yantin-Erakh served as a troop commander under
Zimri-Lim
.
Similar theophoric names are also known from
Eshnunna
.
A document excavated there indicates that at one point in the Old Babylonian period a certain Abdi-Erakh was a king of an unspecified city in Mesopotamia.
After its initial discovery,
Thorkild Jacobsen
proposed that he ruled Eshnunna itself, but this view has since been disproved.
Another Abdi-Erakh, a contemporary of
Ipiq-Adad
of Eshnunna, apparently ruled over Ilip and Kish.
It is sometimes argued that in Mesopotamia Erakh/Yarikh and Sin might have been understood as, respectively, Amorite and Akkadian names of the same deity, rather than two separate moon gods.
However, Ichiro Nakata lists them separately from each other in his overview of deities attested in Mari, unlike the various variants of the names of the weather or solar gods.
The deity Sin-Amurrum, attested in the
incantation
series
Maqlu
(tablet VI, verse 4)
according to
Karel van der Toorn
might be the Mesopotamian name of the Amorite moon god.
In Ugarit
[
edit
]
Yarikh was regarded as one of the primary deities of the
Ugaritic pantheon
.
His role as a lunar deity was qualified by the epithet
nyr ?mm
, "luminary of the heavens" or "lamp of the heavens," which has been compared to a similar
Akkadian
title of the Mesopotamian moon god Sin,
munawwir ?ame u ersetim
, "illuminator of the heavens and earth."
He could also be referred to as a "prince" (
zbl
), which is also attested in the case of multiple other deities, including the
weather god
Baal
and the
underworld god
Resheph
,
and is meant to signify high status.
Furthermore, a single passage refers to him as "the most pleasant of the gods" (
n’mn ‘ilm
), which was apparently meant to highlight his physical attractiveness.
According to Dennis Pardee, it is possible he was believed to spend the day in the underworld.
It has also been suggested that he could function as its gatekeeper, a role which is otherwise well attested for the god Resheph.
These two gods are paired in an incantation against snakebite.
In the standard Ugaritic deity lists, Yarikh follows the
Kotharat
and precedes
Mount Saphon
.
In another similar text, he follows the sea god
Yam
and Baal, whose names are written in a single line, and precedes the craftsman god
Kothar
.
He is also attested in ritual texts. During celebrations which took place during the
full moon
in an unknown month, two bulls had to be sacrificed for him.
Subsequently in an offering list included in the same prescriptive text it is stated he also receives a ram after Baal of Ugarit and Baal of
Aleppo
, and before a ram and a bull were offered to
Anat
of Saphon.
Another offering list places him between the Kotharat and
Attar
as a recipient of a ram.
He could also receive offerings alongside
Nikkal
.
Additionally, the terms Ga?ar?ma and Gatar?ma, designations of a group of god which are etymologically, respectively,
dual
and
plural
forms of the name
Ga?aru
,
might in some cases refer to Yarikh, grouped with Ga?aru, the sun goddess
Shapash
or both of these deities.
Thirty individuals bearing
theophoric names
invoking Yarikh have been identified with certainty in the Ugaritic texts.
A particularly commonly occurring name, Abdi-Yarikh, written as
‘bdyr?
in the
Ugaritic alphabetic
script meant "servant of Yarikh."
Additionally, a single name known from a text written in the standard
cuneiform
script uses the logogram
d
30 as the theophoric element, but it is not certain if it refers to Yarikh or another lunar deity.
Ku?u?
is also attested in Ugaritic names, appearing in a total of six, one of them belonging to a person from outside the city, while the Mesopotamian Sin - in a single one, belonging to a
Babylonian
rather than a local resident.
While the total number of the names invoking Yarikh and adjacent deities is smaller than that of these invoking Baal, Resheph or Shapash, he is nonetheless better attested in this capacity than multiple deities who appear frequently in myths, such as
Athirat
, Attar, Yam or
Ashtart
.
In addition to his presence in theophoric names, the Hurrian moon god Ku?u? is also well attested in other documents from Ugarit.
It has been argued that he was identified with Yarikh due to his analogous role.
However, in one ritual text,
KTU
3
1.111, Ku?u? and Yarikh, accompanied by Nikkal, who is placed between them, receive offerings together as separate deities.
Since accompanying instructions are a combination of Ugaritic (when referring to Yarikh) and
Hurrian
(when referring to Ku?u? and Nikkal), it is possible that the
scribe
responsible for the preparation of the tablet was
bilingual
.
Both this text and other sources from Ugarit indicate that Ugaritic and Hurrian deities could be worshiped side by side.
Further lunar deities known from Ugarit include
Saggar
, a god presumed to be analogous to Eblaite ?anugaru, who was worshiped in association with
I??ara
,
hll
(reading uncertain, sometimes assumed to be analogous to the god
Hulelu
from
Emar
), the father of the Kotharat, whose name might be a cognate of the
Arabic
word
hil?lun
, which lead to the proposal that he was the god of the lunar
crescent
,
and Kas’a, only attested in association of Yarikh and based on presumed cognates in other Semitic languages, for example
Habrew
, presumed to represent a presently unidentified
lunar phase
.
Dennis Pardee additionally suggests that
yr? k?y
, a
hypostasis
of Yarikh, might be a lunar deity of
Kassite
origin.
The presence of the "Kassite Yarikh" in Ugaritic texts is also accepted by Mark Smith.
He is attested in a prayer for well-being
and in an offering list.
Yarikh appears in a number of Ugaritic myths, but his role in them does not necessarily reflect his nature as a lunar deity.
Marriage of Nikkal and Yarikh
[
edit
]
Marriage of
Nikkal
and Yarikh
(
KTU
1.24) is the Ugaritic narrative composition which is focused on the moon god to the greatest degree.
It is agreed that it describes the circumstances which lead to the marriage of the eponymous deities, though its genre continues to be a topic of ongoing scholarly debate.
Steve A. Wiggins suggests that it is possible individual sections of the text do not necessarily belong to the same genre, making it possible to classify both as a
myth
and as a
hymn
.
After a
proemium
, which mentions some of the deities involved in the plot, and a number of verses dealing with the
Kotharat
, Yarikh is introduced bargaining with the god
?iri?ibi
(who is not attested in any other sources
) to be granted the permission to marry Nikkal.
This most likely indicates that the latter is either her father or at least mediates on behalf of her family.
Yarikh offers to pay a high
bride price
, including large amounts of
gold
,
silver
and
lapis lazuli
, and additionally states that he will "make her [Nikkal's] fields orchards," which is most likely an
euphemistic
way to refer to his ability to sire an heir.
?iri?ibi is reluctant at first, and suggests alternate brides to him:
Pidray
and
ybrdmy
.
The former is known to be a daughter of
Baal
, while the latter is variously interpreted as a daughter of
Attar
,
his sister,
another daughter of Baal
or an epithet of Pidray.
?iri?ibi in his speech refers to Yarikh as "
son-in-law
of Baal" (
?tnm b’l
), which might either refer to his prospective future after choosing Pidray, indicate that he was already married to another of the weather god's daughters, or simply serve as a courtesy title.
Yarikh ultimately rejects both proposals, and states that he is only interested in Nikkal.
He finally succeeds, and subsequently marries her.
It is sometimes assumed that in addition to the scenes described above, Yarikh also appears in the heavily damaged section of the myth occupying lines 5-15 of the tablet, which according to this theory describe a sexual encounter between him and Nikkal, but this is far from certain.
Steve A. Wiggins points out that even if it is accepted that sex is described, neither deity is mentioned by name, which makes it difficult to evaluate this proposal.
The background of the entire myth is most likely
Hurrian
.
It might be either a direct Ugaritic translation of a Hurrian original,
or a less direct adaptation only relying on motifs from Hurrian mythology.
It is agreed that ?iri?ibi is a god of Hurrian origin.
Nikkal, presented as Yarikh's spouse in this context, but absent from other Ugaritic narratives, was a derivative of the Mesopotamian goddess
Ningal
, who was the wife of Sin/Nanna, the Mesopotamian moon god,
and was also worshiped by Hurrians as the wife of
Ku?u?
.
Most likely the marital relationship between the corresponding Mesopotamian deities is also the reason behind portraying her as Yarikh's wife.
It is not certain if Nikkal entered the Ugaritic pantheon directly from one of the
Upper Mesopotamian
cities or through a Hurrian cultural intermediary.
The fact that most Ugaritic attestations of her are entries in Hurrian offering lists most likely supports the latter theory.
She is otherwise almost entirely absent from western Syrian sources from the second and first millennia BCE.
Other Ugaritic narrative texts
[
edit
]
In addition to
Marriage of Nikkal and Yarikh
, the moon god also appears in the text KTU 1.114.
While relatively well preserved, it is considered difficult to translate, and many details remain unclear.
Apparently during a banquet organized by
El
, Yarikh for unknown reasons acts as a
dog
and crawls under the tables.
Deities stated to be familiar with him, including
Ashtart
and
Anat
, offer him choice cuts of meat, while those who do not know him poke him with a stick.
The actions of the two goddesses are rebuked by a nameless "porter of the house of El," who complains that they are giving a dog food.
The rest of the composition focuses on El getting drunk and subsequently struggling with the effects of alcohol, and Yarikh is not referenced again.
However, the final lines apparently relay how to prepare a remedy for
hangover
using dog hair, which might be a reference to his role.
It is not certain why Yarikh acts in a dog-like manner in this text.
His behavior might simply be tied to the theme of
alcohol consumption
.
While Yarikh himself makes no appearance in KTU
2
1.12, a minor goddess appearing in this text, Talish (
tl?
) is described as his handmaiden (
‘amt
).
The origin of her name is not known, though it has been proposed it was derived from a
root
meaning "tardy" or "delay," or from the verb "to knead."
Alternatively, it might be related to the ordinary name
Tu-li-?a
attested both in Ugarit and in
Nuzi
.
Talish occurs in parallel with Dimgay, another minor goddess, the handmaiden of Athirat, which is sometimes used to argue in favor of them being a single deity with a binomial name, Dimgay-wa-Talish (
dmg w tl?
).
In the surviving passage, both of them suffer from
labor pain
.
Since a well known Mesopotamian composition casts
Sin
in the role of a god helping in such situations, Yarikh's absence from the surviving sections of the text, coupled with Talish being explicitly associated with him, is considered difficult to explain by researchers.
The myth KTU 1.92 mentions Yarikh in passing as one of the gods who receive
game
from Ashtart after her return from a hunt.
In Emar
[
edit
]
In
Emar
, the name of the moon god was represented by the
logogram
d
30.
It is not certain if he can be identified as Yarikh.
According to Brian B. Schmidt the moon god worshiped in Emar was Sin.
However, it is not impossible that more than one deity of such character was present in the local pantheon,
and
Gary Beckman
lists the
West Semitic
reading as one of the four possibilities, next to Mesopotamian, Hurrian and
Anatolian
(
Arma
).
It has also been proven that in at least some cases the logogram refers to
Saggar
, already worshiped in the proximity of Emar, in
Ma
-NE
ki
, in the third millennium BCE.
Other writings of his name are also attested, including multiple syllabic and a second logographic one,
d
?AR.
Priests of the deity designated by
d
30 are attested in documents from Emar, but there is no indication that one of the few temples identified during excavations belonged to him.
In the first millennium BCE
[
edit
]
While Ugarit ceased to exist during the
Late Bronze Age collapse
, possibly due to the activity of the
Sea Peoples
,
the worship of Yarikh continued elsewhere in the first millennium BCE.
Phoenician and Punic sources
[
edit
]
The Phoenician version of the
Karatepe bilingual
.
No explicit references to Yarikh occur in any
Phoenician
sources,
such as inscriptions from
Byblos
,
Tyre
and
Sidon
.
The research of
Phoenician religion
is considered difficult due to the scarcity of written materials and the small number of direct references to deities other than the principal patron of each city, such as
Baalat Gebal
in Byblos,
Eshmun
in Sidon or
Melqart
in Tyre.
The role of
astral deities
such as Yarikh was small, possibly due to their lack of a connection to
maritime trade
, shared by many of the major deities of this culture.
The Phoenician version of the
Karatepe bilingual
mentions the sun and the moon in a context which might indicate that deities corresponding to them are meant, but they are not singled out in such a way as the weather god Baal is in the same document.
In known
Punic
sources, Yarikh is similarly absent from inscriptions, though he does appear in
theophoric names
.
One attested example is
‘bdyr?
, "servant of Yarikh."
Similar evidence exists for another moon god, Saggar, who might have functioned as a personification of the
new moon
in Punic religion.
Lunar symbols are present on Punic stelae, though since the accompanying inscriptions usually only mention the heads of the pantheon,
Baal Hammon
and
Tanit
, it has been argued that they represent the former of these two deities, rather than Yarikh.
However, no textual sources support the theory that Baal Hammon was a lunar deity, and the fact that in
Palmyra
he was treated as entirely separate from the local lunar god
Aglibol
might be evidence on the contrary.
Additionally, it is possible that said symbols, as well as other similar astral ones, do not represent any specific god, but are meant to illustrate the celestial nature of the main deities.
Ammonite and Moabite sources
[
edit
]
As of 2000, only a single certain attestation of Yarkih from the kingdoms of the ancient
Transjordan
has been identified.
One of the
Ammonite kings
bore the name
yr?'zr
(Jeraheazar), "Yarikh is my helper," as attested in an inscription on the plinth of a royal statue dated to around 700 BCE.
Ammonite
seals
depicting the crescent moon are known from the seventh century BCE, but they might be related to the worship of
Sin
of
Harran
, who was known in many areas to the west and south of his cult center in the
Neo-Assyrian period
.
The evidence from the
Moabite
kingdom, which developed in parallel with the Ammon in the early first millennium BCE,
is limited to artistic depictions of the lunar crescent.
It has been argued that they might indicate the
national god
of the Moabites,
Chemosh
, at some point developed lunar characteristics.
Known textual sources from Moab mention neither Yarikh nor Sin.
Israelite and Judahite sources
[
edit
]
The worship of the moon was most likely practiced in the
kingdoms of Israel and Judah
both before the
Babylonian captivity
and afterwards.
Evidence includes toponyms and, according to Gabriele Theuer, theophoric names invoking Yarikh,
though according to Brian B. Schmidt certain examples of the latter are presently lacking.
Best known presumed examples of the former include
Jericho
and
Beth Yerach
.
It is also probable that the moon god of Harran, Sin, was also worshiped by the
Israelites
.
It has been suggested that the numerous references to the moon being a celestial body subordinate to
Yahweh
in the
Hebrew Bible
might reflect a religious polemic against the worship of lunar deities,
though researchers note that caution is required in using this information to reconstruct the culture of the kingdoms prior to the period of Babylonian captivity.
Direct prohibitions or condemnation of the worship of the moon are mentioned in a number of passages too, for example in
Book of Job
31:26-68.
Second Book of Kings
23:5 states that king
Josiah
of Judah banished priests making offerings to the moon alongside those devoted to other astral bodies and
Baal
.
It is difficult how many of these references can be considered sources of information about Yarikh, as it possible that they do not necessarily reflect a struggle against the preexisting cult of a local lunar deity, but rather the Mesopotamian traditions centered in Harran, which in the period of captivity and later might have been perceived as a competing creed.
Placing the polemics in the distant past might therefore have been only a
rhetorical device
.
Palmyrene sources
[
edit
]
In sources from
Palmyra
, whose pantheon known from between the late first millennium BCE and early first millennium CE included both strictly local deities and Phoenician,
Mesopotamian
and
Arabian
ones,
names with the element
yr?
refer to the local god
Yarhibol
, rather than Yarikh.
He was regarded as a
solar deity
.
However, it is possible that he was originally a moon god, and only developed his solar traits attested in historical sources secondarily.
Alternatively, his name might have instead been derived from
Arabic
yar?u
, "
spring
," which is argued to fit his association with the Palmyrene spring Efca.
See also
[
edit
]
References
[
edit
]
- ^
George, Andrew; Krebernik, Manfred (2022). "Two Remarkable Vocabularies: Amorite-Akkadian Bilinguals!".
Revue d'assyriologie et d'archeologie orientale
.
116
(1): 113?66.
doi
:
10.3917/assy.116.0113
.
S2CID
255918382
.
- ^
Hallo, William W.; Younger, K. Lawson; Orton, David E. (1997).
The Context of Scripture
. Leiden New York (N.Y.) Koln: Brill. p. 349.
ISBN
90-04-09629-9
.
Bibliography
[
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]
- Archi, Alfonso (1997).
"Studies in the Ebla Pantheon II"
.
Orientalia
.
66
(4). GBPress - Gregorian Biblical Press: 414?425.
ISSN
0030-5367
.
JSTOR
43078145
. Retrieved
2022-07-28
.
- Archi, Alfonso (2013).
"Ritualization at Ebla"
.
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.
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1569-2116
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.
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.
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.
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, Eerdmans Publishing Company,
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978-0-8028-2491-2
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978-3-447-04456-1
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48145544
.
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(PDF)
.
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