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Post-Suharto era
[
edit
]
The
Post-Suharto era
, also known as the
Reform era
(
Indonesian
: Era Reformasi),
[1]
[2]
refers to the period of Indonesian history from 1998 until the present day. The period began immediately after the
resignation
of president
Suharto
on 21 May 1998, and the ascension of
B.J. Habibie
to the presidency. Since then, the country has been in a period of transition to further democratic reforms, including a more open and liberal political-social environment.
Issues over this period have included a push for a stronger
democracy
and civilian rule, elements of the
military
trying to retain their influence, a growing
Islamism
in politics and society, and demands for greater
regional autonomy
. The process of
reformasi
has resulted in a higher degree of
freedom of speech
, in contrast to the pervasive
censorship
under the New Order. This has led to a more open political debate in the news media and increased expression in the arts. Events that have shaped Indonesia in this period include a bombing campaign by
Islamic terrorists
(including the
2002 Bali bombings
), and the
2004 Indian Ocean earthquake and tsunami
.
Fall of Suharto (1998)
[
edit
]
Pro-democracy movement
[
edit
]
In 1996, Suharto undertook efforts to pre-empt a challenge to the
New Order
government. The
Indonesian Democratic Party
(PDI), a legal party that had traditionally propped up the regime, had changed direction and began to assert its independence. Suharto fostered a split over the leadership of PDI, backing a co-opted faction loyal to deputy speaker of the
People's Representative Council
Suryadi
against a faction loyal to
Megawati Sukarnoputri
, the daughter of
Sukarno
and the PDI's chairperson.
After the Suryadi faction announced a party congress to sack Megawati would be held in
Medan
on 20?22 June, Megawati proclaimed that her supporters would hold demonstrations in protest. The Suryadi faction went through with its sacking of Megawati, and the demonstrations manifested themselves throughout Indonesia. This led to several confrontations on the streets between protesters and security forces, and recriminations over the violence. The protests culminated in the military allowing Megawati's supporters to take over PDI headquarters in Jakarta, with a pledge of no further demonstrations.
Suharto allowed the occupation of PDI headquarters to go on for almost a month, as attentions were also on
Jakarta
due to a set of high-profile
ASEAN
meetings scheduled to take place there. Capitalizing on this, Megawati supporters organised "democracy forums" with several speakers at the site. On 26 July, officers of the military, Suryadi, and Suharto openly aired their disgust with the forums.
[3]
On 27 July, police, soldiers, and persons claiming to be Suryadi supporters stormed the headquarters. Several Megawati supporters were killed, and over two hundred people were arrested and tried under the Anti-Subversion and Hate-Spreading laws. The day would become known as "Black Saturday" and mark the beginning of the Reform movement.
[4]
Asian financial crisis
[
edit
]
The
1997 Asian financial crisis
began in July 1997, in
Thailand
, and spread into Indonesia as foreign speculative investors pulled out their investments, sucking U.S. dollar liquidity in Indonesia and causing severe depreciation of the
Indonesian rupiah
. In the private sector, many Indonesian corporations had been borrowing heavily in lower-interest U.S. dollars, while their revenues were mostly in rupiah; their debt rapidly increased as the US dollar appreciated, leaving many companies virtually bankrupt. These companies desperately sold rupiah and bought U.S. dollars, causing the rupiah's value to drop from Rp 2,600 per dollar in August 1997 to over Rp 14,800 per dollar by January 1998. Efforts by the
central bank
to defend its managed float regime by selling dollars had little impact and instead drained Indonesia's foreign exchange reserves, forcing the government to free-float the currency and seek liquidity aid from the
IMF
(International Monetary Fund).
[5]
In exchange for US$43 billion in liquidity aid, Suharto was forced to sign three letters of intent from October 1997 to April 1998 with the IMF. The LoI promised reforms, which included closing banks owned by Suharto's family and cronies starting in November 1997. Plans to close unhealthy banks resulted in a
bank run
that drained liquidity; depositors knew of the poor regulations and risky related-party credit extensions of Indonesian banks. In January 1998, the government was forced to provide emergency liquidity assistance (BLBI), issue a blanket guarantee for bank deposits, and set up the
Indonesian Bank Restructuring Agency
to take over management of troubled banks to prevent the collapse of the financial system. Based on IMF recommendations, the government increased interest rates to 70% in February 1998 to control spiralling inflation caused by the higher price of imports, but this action killed availability of credit to the corporate sector. Suharto's foot-dragging in undertaking reforms demanded by IMF in relation to his children's business further weakened public confidence.
[6]
[7]
According to American economist
Steve Hanke
, invited by Suharto in February 1998 to plan a
currency board
system, President
Bill Clinton
and IMF managing director
Michel Camdessus
deliberately worsened the Indonesian crisis to force Suharto to resign.
[8]
Riots and unrest
[
edit
]
Economic meltdown was accompanied by increasing political tension. Anti-Chinese riots occurred in
Situbondo
(1996),
Tasikmalaya
(1996),
Banjarmasin
(1997), and
Makassar
(1997); while bloody ethnic clashes occurred in provinces such as
West Kalimantan
, where there was a large amount of communal violence between
Dayaks
and
Madurese
. Followed by the
Sambas riots
in 1999 and the
Sampit conflict
2001, resulting in large scale massacres of Madurese.
[9]
[10]
[11]
After violent campaign season,
Golkar
won the heavily rigged
May 1997 legislative elections
. The new legislative session voted unanimously to
re-elect
Suharto to another five-year term in office in March 1998, upon which he proceeded to appoint his protege
B. J. Habibie
as vice-president while stacking the cabinet with his own family and business associates (for example, his daughter
Tutut
became Minister of Social Affairs). The Government's action of increasing of fuel prices by 70% in 4 May, triggered anti-Chinese rioting in
Medan
. With Suharto increasingly seen as the source of the country's mounting economic and political crises, prominent political figures spoke out against his presidency (notably Muslim politician
Amien Rais
), and in January 1998 university students began organising nationwide demonstrations.
[12]
Resignation of Suharto
[
edit
]
The crisis climaxed when Suharto was on a state visit to
Egypt
in May 1998. Security forces
killed four student demonstrators
from Jakarta's
Trisakti University
on 12 May 1998, which was followed by
anti-Chinese rioting and looting across Jakarta and some other cities
on 13?15 May that destroyed thousands of buildings and killed over 1,000 people. Various theories exist on the origins of the racial pogrom against the
ethnic-Chinese
. One theory suggested rivalry between military chief General
Wiranto
and
Prabowo Subianto
, while another theory suggested deliberate provocation by Suharto to divert blame for the crisis to the ethnic-Chinese and discredit the student movement.
[13]
On 16 May, tens of thousands of university students occupied the
parliament building
, demanding Suharto's resignation. Upon Suharto's return to Jakarta, he tried to defend his presidency by offering to resign in 2003 and to reshuffle his cabinet. These efforts failed when his political allies deserted him by refusing to join the proposed new cabinet. According to military chief
Wiranto
, on 18 May, Suharto issued a decree which provided authority to him to take any measures to restore security (similar to the 1966
Supersemar
), however Wiranto decided not to enforce the decree to prevent conflict with the population.
[14]
On 21 May 1998, Suharto announced his resignation, upon which vice-president
B. J. Habibie
assumed the presidency in accordance with the constitution.
[6]
[15]
[16]
Presidency of B. J. Habibie (1998?1999)
[
edit
]
After Suharto's resignation, vice president
B. J. Habibie
, as the
Constitution
says, succeeded him as president. The following day, Habibie announced the
Development Reform Cabinet
, which removed some of the most controversial ministers in Suharto's last cabinet while maintaining others - with no major figures from the opposition. Within days of his appointment, he asked his relatives to resign from government positions, promised an early election, repealed some legislation, and ordered the release of political prisoners.
[17]
Political reform
[
edit
]
In February 1999, the Habibie administration passed the Political Parties Law,
[18]
under which
political parties
would not be limited to just three as had been the case under Suharto. Political parties were also not required to have
Pancasila
as their ideology. This resulted in the emergence of many political parties, and 48 would go on to compete in the
1999 legislative election
.
In May 1999, the Habibie administration passed the Regional Autonomy Law,
[19]
which was the first step in decentralising Indonesia's government and allowing provinces to have more part in governing their areas. The press became liberated under Habibie, although the Ministry of Information continued to exist.
Political prisoners
such as
Sri Bintang Pamungkas
,
Muchtar Pakpahan
, and
Xanana Gusmao
were also released under Habibie's orders.
Independence of East Timor
[
edit
]
Habibie was initially opposed to the idea of
East Timorese Independence
, but did offer East Timor special autonomy.
[20]
Timorese independence forces led by the
National Council of Timorese Resistance
had been calling for a referendum in the territory for some time. Its chief diplomat,
Jose Ramos Horta
, proposed a transitional period of autonomy leading up to a referendum. In late 1998,
John Howard
, the Prime Minister of Australia, sent a letter to Habibie suggesting that Indonesia defuse the East Timorese issue by providing autonomy to be followed by the promise of a referendum in the long run, following the method used by France to settle
New Caledonian demands for independence
.
[21]
Wishing to avoid the impression that Indonesia ruled East Timor as a colony, Habibie surprised some by announcing that a
referendum
, offering a choice between special autonomy and independence, would be held immediately in East Timor. Leaders of the Indonesian armed forces (
ABRI
) were not consulted on this decision.
[22]
On 30 August 1999, the referendum was held and the East Timorese people overwhelmingly chose Independence. Subsequently, pro-Indonesia militias killed and displaced large numbers of people during the
1999 East Timorese crisis
.
[23]
On 10 September, General
Wiranto
allegedly threatened to stage a military coup if Habibie allowed in peacekeeping forces, causing Habibie to back down.
[24]
On 12 September, however, Habibie accepted a
UN-mandated peacekeeping force
to halt violence. A
UN administration
followed and East Timor became independent in 2002.
[23]
The Independence of East Timor resulted in the harming of Habibie's former popularity and political alliances.
1999 Legislative elections
[
edit
]
Habibie presided over the
1999 legislative elections
, the first free and fair election since the
1955
legislative election. The election was supervised by the independent
General Elections Commission
(KPU), instead of an elections commission filled with government ministers as had been the case during the New Order.
End of presidency
[
edit
]
Although he had been viewed as leading a transitional government, Habibie seemed determined to continue as president. He was initially unclear about whether he would seek a full term as president when he announced parliamentary elections in June 1998. Habibie faced opposition from many within the government party, Golkar; in July 1998, he struggled to win control of Golkar by appointing
Akbar Tandjung
as chair of the party, but was ultimately able to defeat a rival camp including
former Vice President
Try Sutrisno
,
Defence Minister
Edi Sudrajat,
Siswono Yudhohusodo
, and Sarwono Kusumaatmadja.
[25]
Habibie began to lose support from Akbar Tandjung and a faction in Golkar, composed of both reformers and hardliners, that wanted to oust him. In March 1999, Golkar put forth five presidential nominees: Habibie, Tandjung, Wiranto,
Hamengkubuwono X
, and
Ginandjar Kartasasmita
.
[26]
In May 1999, after extensive lobbying, Golkar announced that Habibie would be their presidential candidate, but a large faction in the party remained loyal to Tandjung and opposed to Habibie. His political credibility was tarnished by the exposure of the 1999
Bank Bali scandal
, in which banking funds were funneled to members of Habibie's re-election team.
[27]
At the 1999 MPR General Session in October, Habibie delivered an accountability speech. MPR members then began voting to decide if they would accept or reject his speech. Habibie attempted to win the support of the military by offering the vice-presidency to General Wiranto, but his offer was declined. Tandjung's Golkar faction broke ranks and voted against him, and his accountability speech was rejected by 355 votes to 322, and Habibie withdrew his nomination as President. He was succeeded by
Abdurrahman Wahid
.
Wahid presidency (1999?2001)
[
edit
]
In 1999,
Abdurrahman Wahid
became President of Indonesia. His first cabinet, dubbed the
National Unity Cabinet
(
Indonesian
:
Kabinet Persatuan Nasional
), was a coalition cabinet that represented several political parties: the
Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle
(PDI-P),
National Awakening Party
(PKB), Golkar, the
United Development Party
(PPP),
National Mandate Party
(PAN), and Justice Party (PK). Non-partisans and
the military
(TNI) were also represented in the cabinet. Among Wahid's administrative reforms were the abolition of the Ministry of Information, the New Order's primary weapon in controlling the media, and the disbandment of the Ministry of Welfare, which had become corrupt and extortionist under the New Order.
[28]
Autonomy and tolerance toward dissent
[
edit
]
Wahid intended to give rebellious
Aceh
province a
referendum
on various modes of autonomy, rather than an option for independence like in East Timor.
[29]
Wahid also wanted to adopt a softer stance towards Aceh by having less military personnel on the ground. In March, the Wahid administration began to open negotiations with the
Free Aceh Movement
(GAM). Two months later in May, the government signed a
memorandum of understanding
with GAM to last until the beginning of 2001, by which time both signatories would have breached the agreement.
[30]
On 30 December 1999, Wahid visited
Jayapura
, the capital of
Papua province
(then known as "Irian Jaya"). Wahid was successful in convincing West Papuan leaders that he was a force for change and even encouraged the use of the name Papua.
[31]
In September 2000, Wahid declared
martial law
in Maluku. By now, it was evident that
Laskar Jihad
, a radical Islamic militia, were being assisted by members of the military and it was apparent that they were financed by Fuad Bawazier, the last Minister of Finance to have served under Suharto.
[
citation needed
]
During the same month, West Papuans raised their
Morning Star flag
. Wahid's response was to allow this provided that the Morning Star flag was placed lower than the
Indonesian flag
,
[32]
for which he was severely criticised by Megawati and Akbar. On 24 December 2000,
a series of bombings
were directed against churches in Jakarta and eight cities across Indonesia.
In March of that year, Wahid suggested that the 1966 Provisional People's Consultative Assembly (MPRS) resolution on the banning of
Marxism?Leninism
be lifted.
[33]
Relations with the military
[
edit
]
When he ascended to the presidency, one of Wahid's goals was to reform the military and to remove its dominant socio-political role. In this venture, Wahid found an ally in
Agus Wirahadikusumah
, whom he made Commander of
Kostrad
in March. In July, Agus began uncovering a scandal involving Dharma Putra, a foundation with affiliations to Kostrad. Through Megawati, military members began pressuring Wahid to remove Agus. Wahid gave in to the pressure but then planned to have Agus appointed as the Army Chief of Staff to which top military leaders responded by threatening to retire and Wahid once again bowed down to pressure.
[34]
Wahid's relations with the military deteriorated even further when in the same month it was revealed that Laskar Jihad had arrived in
Maluku
and was being armed with what turned out to be military weapons, despite Wahid's orders to the military to block their entry into the region. The militia had planned earlier in the year to go to the archipelago and assist the Muslims there in
their communal conflict with the Christians
.
[35]
In 2000, Wahid was embroiled in two scandals that would damage his presidency. In May, the State Logistics Agency (Bulog) reported that US$4 million was missing from its pension fund. The missing cash had been embezzled by Wahid's own
masseur
, who claimed Wahid sent him to Bulog to collect the cash.
[36]
Although the money was returned, Wahid's opponents took the chance of accusing him of being involved in the scandal and of being aware of what his masseur was up to. At the same time, Wahid was also accused of keeping a US$2 million donation made by the
Sultan of Brunei
to provide assistance in
Aceh
.
Scandals
[
edit
]
In the year 2000, Wahid became embroiled in two scandals which would damage his presidency. In May, the
Logistic Affairs Agency
(BULOG) reported that US$4 million were missing from its cash reserve. The missing cash was then attributed to Wahid's own masseur, who had claimed that Wahid sent him to Bulog to collect the cash. Although the money was returned, Wahid's opponents took the chance of accusing him of being involved in the scandal and of being aware of what his masseur was up to. At the same time, Wahid was also accused of keeping US$2 million for himself. The money was a donation by the
Sultan of Brunei
to provide assistance in Aceh. However, Wahid failed to account for the money.
[37]
Cabinet reshuffle
[
edit
]
As the 2000 MPR Annual Session approached, Wahid's popularity with the people was still at a high and politically, allies such as Megawati, Akbar, and Amien were still willing to support Wahid despite the sacking of the ministers and the scandals which he had been involved in. At the same time, however, they were asking questions of Wahid. At the 2000 MPR Annual Session, Wahid delivered a speech which was well received by a majority of the MPR members. During the speech, Wahid recognized his weakness as an administrator and said that he was going to delegate the day-to-day running of the government to a senior minister. The MPR members agreed but proposed that Megawati should be the one to receive the task from the President. At first the MPR planned to have this proposal adopted as a resolution but a presidential decision was seen as enough. On 23 August, Wahid announced a new Cabinet despite Megawati's insistence that the announcement was delayed. Megawati showed her displeasure by not showing up for the Cabinet announcement. The new Cabinet was smaller and consisted of more non-partisans. There were no Golkar members in this Cabinet.
[38]
Impeachment
[
edit
]
By the end of 2000, many within the political elite were disillusioned with Wahid. The most prominent was
Amien Rais
who regretted having supported Wahid for the presidency the previous year. Amien attempted to rally opposition by encouraging Megawati and Akbar to flex their political muscles. Megawati surprisingly defended Wahid while Akbar preferred to wait for the
2004 legislative elections
. At the end of November, 151
People's Representative Council
(DPR) members signed a petition calling for the
impeachment
of Wahid.
[39]
In January 2001, Wahid announced that Chinese New Year was to become an optional holiday.
[40]
Wahid followed this up in February by lifting the ban on the display of Chinese characters and the importing of Chinese publications. In February, Wahid visited Northern Africa as well as Saudi Arabia to undertake the
hajj
pilgrimage.
[41]
Wahid made his last overseas visit in June 2001 when he visited
Australia
.
In a meeting with university
rectors
on 27 January 2001, Wahid commented on the possibility of Indonesia descending into anarchy. Wahid suggested that he may be forced to dissolve the DPR if that happened.
[42]
Although the meeting was off-the-record, it caused quite a stir and added to the fuel of the movement against him. On 1 February, the DPR met to issue a memorandum against Wahid. Two memorandums constitute an MPR Special Session where the impeachment and removal of a president would be legal. The vote was overwhelmingly for the memorandum, and PKB members could only walk out in protest. The memorandum caused widespread protests by NU members. In East Java, NU members attacked Golkar's regional offices. In Jakarta, Wahid's opposition began accusing him of encouraging the protests. Wahid denied it and went to talk to the protesters at the town of
Pasuruan
, encouraging them to get off the streets.
[43]
Nevertheless, NU protesters continued to show their support for Wahid and in April, announced that they were ready to defend and die for the president.
In March, Wahid tried to counter the opposition by moving against dissidents within his own cabinet. Minister of Justice
Yusril Ihza Mahendra
was removed for making public his demands for the president's resignation while the Minister of Forestry
Nur Mahmudi Ismail
was also removed under the suspicion of channelling his department's funds to Wahid's opposition. In response to this, Megawati began to distance herself and did not show up for the inauguration of the Ministers' replacement. On 30 April, the DPR issued a second memorandum and on the next day called for an MPR Special Session to be held on 1 August.
By July, Wahid grew desperate and ordered
Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono
(SBY), the Coordinating Minister for Politics and Security to declare a
state of emergency
. SBY refused, and Wahid removed him from his position. Finally, on 20 July, Amien declared that the MPR Special Session would be brought forward to 23 July. The TNI, having had a bad relationship with Wahid through his tenure as president, stationed 40,000 troops in Jakarta and placed tanks with their turrets pointing at the Presidential Palace in a
show of force
.
[44]
To prevent the MPR Special Session from taking place, Wahid then enacted a
Decree
disbanding the MPR on 23 July despite had no power to do so. In defiance against Wahid's decree, the MPR proceed with the Special Session and then unanimously voted to impeach Wahid, and to replace him with Megawati as president. Wahid continued to insist that he was the president and stayed for some days in the Presidential Palace but bowed down and left the residence on 25 July to immediately fly to the
United States
for health treatment.
Megawati presidency (2001?2004)
[
edit
]
Under
Megawati Sukarnoputri
, the daughter of Indonesia's founder and first president
Sukarno
, the process of democratic reform begun under Habibie and Wahid continued, albeit slowly and erratically. Megawati appeared to see her role mainly as a symbol of national unity, and she rarely actively intervened in government business. Under her tenure, the
Mutual Assistance Cabinet
(
Indonesian
:
Kabinet Gotong Royong
) helped govern the country. It included Megawati's successor, the retired General SBY. The military, disgraced at the time of Suharto's fall, regained much of its influence. Corruption continued to be pervasive, though Megawati herself was seldom blamed for this.
Some Indonesian scholars explained Megawati's apparent passivity in office by reference to Javanese mythology. Megawati, they said, saw her father, Sukarno, as a "Good King" of Javanese legend. Suharto was the "Bad Prince" who had usurped the Good King's throne. Megawati was the Avenging Daughter who overthrew the Bad Prince and regained the Good King's throne. Once this had been achieved, they said, Megawati was content to reign as the Good Queen and leave the business of government to others
[
citation needed
]
. Some prominent critics such as
Benedict Anderson
jokingly referred to the president as "Miniwati."
[45]
Although the economy had stabilised and partly recovered from the 1997 crisis by 2004, unemployment and poverty remained high. The Indonesian Constitution was amended to provide for the direct election of the president, and Megawati stood for a second term. She consistently trailed in the opinion polls, due in part to the preference for male candidates among Muslim voters, and due to what was widely seen as a mediocre performance in office. Despite a somewhat better than expected performance in the first round of the
elections
, she was defeated by
Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono
in the second round.
Presidency of Yudhoyono (2004?2014)
[
edit
]
Yudhoyono was inaugurated as president on 20 October 2004. The next day, he announced his new cabinet, which would be known as the
United Indonesia Cabinet
(
Kabinet Indonesia Bersatu
). Consisting of 36 ministers, it included members of the
Democratic Party
,
Golkar
and the
PPP
, PBB, PKB, PAN, PKP, and PKS. Professionals were also named in the cabinet, most of them taking on ministries in the economic field. The
military
were also included, with five former members appointed to the cabinet. As Yudhoyono's promised during the election, four of the cabinet appointees were female.
Economy
[
edit
]
In late 2007, Yudhoyono led Indonesia into a
free trade agreement
with Japan. In 2005, economic growth was 5.6%
[46]
which decreased to 5.4% in 2006
[47]
Inflation
reached 17.11% in 2005
[48]
but decreased to 6.6% in 2006.
[49]
Yudhoyono also allocated more funds to decrease poverty. In 2004, 11 trillion rupiah was set aside, increasing to 23 in 2005 and 42 in 2006. For 2007, 51 trillion was allocated.
[50]
In March and October 2005, SBY made the unpopular decision to cut fuel subsidies, leading to increases in fuel prices of 29% and 125% respectively.
[51]
The poor were somewhat compensated by the Direct Cash Assistance (BLT), but the cutting of subsidies damaged SBY's popularity. In May 2008, rising oil prices contributed to SBY's decision to cut fuel subsidies once more, which were the subject of protests in May and June 2008.
To alleviate the effects of rising prices on poor people, Yudhoyono introduced
cash transfers
, known in Indonesia as
Bantuan Langsung Tunai
(BLT, Direct Cash Assistance), from October 2005 to December 2006 with a target of 19.2 million poor families. BLT was given again in 2008. The BLT concept was the idea of vice president
Jusuf Kalla
. In 2013, BLT was renamed
Bantuan Langsung Sementara Masyarakat
(BLSM, Temporary Community Direct Assistance). The BLT program has been criticized as making poor people to be stupid and have the mentalities of beggars, increasing the government debt, and being used to make Yudhoyono more popular during election years.
[52]
[53]
Disasters
[
edit
]
Two months after
Yudhoyono
assumed office, the
2004 Indian Ocean earthquake and tsunami
struck
Aceh
and other countries along the
Indian Ocean
coastline. Three months later, an
aftershock
of the earthquake triggered a tsunami in
Nias Island
. In 2006,
Mount Merapi
erupted and was followed by an
earthquake
in
Yogyakarta
. In October 2010,
Mount Merapi erupted
, killing 353 people,
[54]
while
an earthquake and tsunami
struck the
Mentawai Islands
.
[55]
Indonesia also suffered a small outbreak of
bird flu
and endured the
Sidoarjo mud flow
. In 2007,
severe floods struck Jakarta
. SBY allowed Jakarta governor
Sutiyoso
to open the Manggarai watergate with the risk of flooding the Presidential Palace.
[56]
2005 Bali bombings
[
edit
]
On 1 October 2005,
suicide bombings
occurred on the island of Bali. The attacks bore the hallmarks of the militant Islamic group
Jemaah Islamiyah
(JI)?a group linked to Al-Qaeda?though police investigation was underway. The group was also responsible for the
2002 Bali bombings
. SBY condemned the attack, promising to "hunt down the perpetrators and bring them to justice.".
[57]
2009 Presidential election
[
edit
]
In
2009
, Yudhoyono was elected for a second term along with
Boediono
, the former Governor of
Bank Indonesia
. They defeated two candidates:
Megawati Soekarnoputri
-
Prabowo Subianto
and incumbent vice-president,
Jusuf Kalla
-
Wiranto
. The Yudhoyono-Boediono ticket won the election with more than 60% votes of nationwide in the first round. Yudhoyono's
Second United Indonesia Cabinet
was announced in October 2009 after he was re-elected as president earlier in the year.
Presidency of Joko Widodo (2014-present)
[
edit
]
2014 Presidential election
[
edit
]
In
2014
, constitutionally barred from running for a third term, Yudhoyono was succeeded by
Joko Widodo
(popularly known as Jokowi) with Jusuf Kalla returning as vice president, defeating Prabowo and
Hatta Rajasa
. Jokowi is the first president without a high-ranking military or political background.
[58]
During his
2014 election campaign
, Jokowi promised to improve economic GDP growth to 7% and to end the
bagi-bagi kursi
(giving government positions to political allies) policy, although these promises are yet to be fulfilled. The Indonesian
rupiah
hit its lowest level record in 20 years during his administration.
[59]
[60]
November 2016 Jakarta protests
[
edit
]
A controversial remark by his former deputy governor
Basuki Tjahaja Purnama
(Ahok) led to divisions in the country's Muslim population amid a
gubernatorial election
. Protests were held in response to Ahok's remark by Islamist groups in
November
and
December 2016
in Jakarta.
[61]
[62]
[63]
The Jokowi administration responded by banning the Indonesian chapter of
Hizb ut-Tahrir
.
There have been concerns of declining
freedom of expression
during this period, evidenced by the arrest, detainment, and imprisonment of many people for their social media activity being interpreted as an "insult" to the president.
[64]
Several disasters, such as
earthquakes
(In
Palu
,
Lombok
, and
Banten
) and a
haze
due to deforestation in
Borneo
and
Sumatra
occurred during this period. ISIL-linked bombings have also occurred in
Jakarta
and
Surabaya
.
Central Statistics Agency
reported in March 2018 that the
poverty rate
in Indonesia was 9.82 percent, down from March 2017 which was 10.64 percent. This was the first time that poverty levels in Indonesia had been reduced to below two digits. Previously, the poverty rate was always above 10 percent, even reaching 23.4 percent in 1999 after the 1997-1998 crisis.
[65]
2019 General eleection
[
edit
]
On 17 April 2019, Indonesia held
a general election
. For the first time, eligible voters chose the president, the vice president, members of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), and members of local legislative bodies simultaneously.
[66]
The election was described as "one of the most complicated single-day ballots in global history".
[67]
Jokowi and his vice presidential candidate
Ma'ruf Amin
won the election against Prabowo and his running mate
Sandiaga Uno
.
[68]
It was followed by
protests and riots in May
rejecting the re-election during which at least 8 protesters were killed.
[69]
On 16 August 2019, forty-three Papuan students in
Surabaya
,
East Java
were arrested by police following reports that an Indonesian flag was damaged outside the building where they lived,
[70]
leading to
protests in Papua and other parts of Indonesia
.
[71]
A series of mass demonstrations
led by students took place in major cities of Indonesia in September 2019 to protest against new legislation that reduces the authority of the
Corruption Eradication Commission
(KPK), as well as several bills.
[72]
The protests subsequently developed into the largest
student movement
in Indonesia since the 1998 demonstrations that
brought down the Suharto regime
.
[73]
Covid-19 pandemic
[
edit
]
An ongoing
worldwide pandemic
of
coronavirus disease 2019
(COVID-19), a novel
infectious disease
caused by
severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2
(SARS-CoV-2), was first confirmed to have
spread to Indonesia
on 2 March 2020.
[74]
As of 5 November 2020, the coronavirus has killed more than 14,000 people in Indonesia.
[75]
In late 2020, the pandemic has caused the economy to fall into a recession for the first time in 22 years.
[76]
In October 2020,
protests erupted throughout Indonesia
after the DPR passed the controversial
Omnibus Law on Job Creation
.
[77]
Notes
[
edit
]
- ^
US Indonesia Diplomatic and Political Cooperation Handbook
, Int'l Business Publications, 2007,
ISBN
1433053306
,
page CRS-5
- ^
Robin Bush,
Nahdlatul Ulama and the Struggle for Power Within Islam and Politics in Indonesia
, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2009,
ISBN
9812308768
,
page 111
- ^
Aspinall 1996
- ^
Amnesty International 1996
- ^
Enoch, Charles, Barbara Baldwin, Olivier Frecaut, and Arto Kovanen, "
Indonesia: Anatomy of a Banking Crisis. Two years of living dangerously 1997-99
",
International Monetary Fund
, May 2001.
- ^
a
b
McDonald, Hamish
(28 January 2008). "
No End to Ambition
".
Sydney Morning Herald
.
- ^
Vickers (2005), pp. 203?207.
- ^
Hanke, Steve (27 January 2007).
"On the Fall of the Rupiah and Suharto"
.
www.cato.org
. Retrieved
23 September
2021
.
{{
cite web
}}
: CS1 maint: url-status (
link
)
- ^
Armed Conflicts Report.Indonesia - Kalimantan
- ^
Dayak
- ^
THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN DAYAK AND MADURA IN RETOK by Yohanes Supriyadi
Archived
24 March 2012 at the
Wayback Machine
- ^
Elson (2001), p.267
- ^
Purdey (2006), p.148-150
- ^
Wiranto (2003), p.67-69
- ^
Vickers (2005), pp. 203?207.
- ^
E. Aspinall, H. Feith, and G. Van Klinken (eds) The Last Days of President Suharto, Monash Asia Institute, pp.iv-vii.
- ^
"Indonesia's new president on a tide of troubles"
.
The Economist
. 28 May 1998.
ISSN
0013-0613
. Retrieved
23 September
2021
.
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"Undang-Undang RI No 2 Tahun 1999 Tentang Partai Politik"
. detik.com. Archived from
the original
on 23 March 2006
. Retrieved
30 October
2006
.
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"Undang-Undang RI No 22 Tahun 1999 Tentang Pemerintahan Daerah"
. tumotou.net. Archived from
the original
on 4 July 2006
. Retrieved
31 October
2006
.
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Miller, M. (2004). 'From reform to repression: the post-New Order's shifting security policies in Aceh', Review of Indonesian and Malaysian Affairs, 38(4), 129?162.
- ^
Ramos Horta, Jose (1996).
Towards a Peaceful Solution in East Timor
. Sydney: East Timor Relief Association.
ISBN
0958686009
.
- ^
"UNSW Canberra - The School of Humanities and Social Sciences - Companion to East Timor - Howard's letter to Habibie"
.
web.archive.org
. 28 March 2015
. Retrieved
23 September
2021
.
- ^
a
b
Robinson, Geoffrey (2010).
"If you leave us here, we will die" : how genocide was stopped in East Timor
. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
ISBN
978-0-691-13536-6
.
OCLC
316736600
.
- ^
O'Rourke 2002
, p. 272
- ^
O'Rourke 2002
, p. 156
- ^
O'Rourke 2002
, p. 228
- ^
East Asia and globalization
. Samuel S. Kim. Lanham, Md.: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. 2000.
ISBN
978-0-7425-7760-2
.
OCLC
654977336
.
{{
cite book
}}
: CS1 maint: others (
link
)
- ^
Barton (2002), p. 290.
- ^
Miller, Michelle. Rebellion and Reform in Indonesia. Jakarta's Security and Autonomy Policies in Aceh (London: Routledge, 2008), pp.66-68.
ISBN
978-0-415-45467-4
- ^
Conceicao, J.F (2005).
Indonesia's Six Years of Living Dangerously
. Singapore: Horizon Books. pp. 30?31.
ISBN
981-05-2307-6
.
- ^
Barton, pages 293
- ^
Barton (2002), page 340
- ^
ryi/wis/sal (14 April 2000).
"Dari Secangkir Kopi ke Hawa Nafsu"
. Kompas. Archived from
the original
on 18 August 2006
. Retrieved
30 December
2006
.
- ^
Conceicao, J.F (2005).
Indonesia's Six Years of Living Dangerously
. Singapore: Horizon Books. p. 21.
ISBN
981-05-2307-6
.
- ^
Barton (2002), page 306
- ^
Barton (2002), page 304
- ^
Barton (2002), page 304
- ^
Barton (2002), page 320
- ^
Barton (2002), page 345
- ^
Chang, Yau Hoon (April 2004).
"How to be Chinese"
. Inside Indonesia. Archived from
the original
on 28 March 2007
. Retrieved
31 December
2006
.
- ^
Barton (2002), page 352
- ^
Barton (2002), page 348
- ^
Barton (2002), pages 351-352
- ^
Barton (2002), page 363
- ^
Mydans, Seth (24 July 2001).
"Woman in the News; A Daughter of Destiny; Megawati Sukarnoputri"
.
The New York Times
.
- ^
[ekonomi-nasional] [Kilas Berita] Pertumbuhan Ekonomi 2005 5,6 Persen
- ^
Seputar Ekonomi
- ^
http://www.antara.co.id/seenws/?id=25514
- ^
"Inflasi Indonesia Menurut Kelompok Komoditi, 2006, 2007, Jan-Mei 2008 (2002=100), Juni - Desember 2008 (2007=100), 2009, 2010, 2011 (2007=100)"
. Badan Pusat Statistik. Archived from
the original
on 9 February 2011.
- ^
:: elshinta.com - berita utama ::
Archived
19 June 2008 at the
Wayback Machine
- ^
Redaksi Tempo (24?30 October 2005).
SBY-JK Duet Atau Duel: Edisi Khusus Setahun Pemerintahan SBY-JK
. Jakarta, Indonesia. p. 90.
{{
cite book
}}
: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (
link
)
- ^
Kompas Regional. "BLT Pembodohan Rakyat" (in Indonesian). Archived from the original on 5 March 2016. Retrieved 15 December 2020.
- ^
"Analis: Bohong Besar BLT Bukan Dari Hutang"(in Indonesian). Waspada.co.id. 30 June 2009. Archived from the original on 17 May 2014. Retrieved 15 December 2020.
- ^
"Indonesia Downgrades Mount Merapi's Danger Level"
.
Jakarta Globe
. Associated Press. 3 December 2010. Archived from
the original
on 4 December 2010
. Retrieved
4 December
2010
.
- ^
"Tsunami Bulletin"
. Pacific Tsunami Warning Center. 25 October 2010. Archived from
the original
on 23 February 2011
. Retrieved
27 October
2010
.
- ^
Pemerintah Kabupaten Situbondo - PRESIDEN PERSILAHKAN GUBERNUR BUKA PINTU AIR MANGGARAI
Archived
11 June 2008 at the
Wayback Machine
- ^
"Bali bombs 'were suicide attacks'
"
.
BBC News
. 2 October 2005
. Retrieved
22 May
2010
.
- ^
Joe Cochrane (22 July 2014).
"Joko Widodo, Populist Governor, Is Named Winner in Indonesian Presidential Vote"
.
The New York Times
. Archived from
the original
on 22 July 2014
. Retrieved
22 July
2014
.
- ^
"Indonesia rupiah falls to weakest level in more than 20 years"
.
CNBC
. 3 September 2018
. Retrieved
9 October
2019
.
- ^
"Rupiah Terabas Level Rp 15248 Anjlok Terendah Sejak Krismon 1998"
.
Okezone
. 9 October 2018
. Retrieved
9 October
2019
.
- ^
"Indonesia protest: President Joko Widodo cancels Australia visit"
.
BBC News
. 5 November 2016.
- ^
McKirdy, Euan (5 November 2016).
"Thousands rally in Jakarta over governor's alleged blasphemy"
. CNN.
- ^
"Mass prayer rally in Jakarta against governor 'Ahok'
"
.
BBC News
. 2 December 2016
. Retrieved
3 December
2016
.
- ^
"Street Vendor Arrested Insulting Jokowi Megawati"
.
- ^
Suyanto, Bagong (1 August 2018).
"Angka Kemiskinan Satu Digit"
.
Kompas.id
(in Indonesian)
. Retrieved
20 November
2019
.
- ^
Retaduari, Elza Astari (25 April 2017).
"Pileg dan Pilpres Serentak Digelar 17 April 2019, Ini Tahapannya"
(in Indonesian). news.detik.com
. Retrieved
11 November
2017
.
- ^
Bland, Ben (3 April 2019).
"The mind-boggling challenge of Indonesia's election logistics"
. The Interpreter.
Archived
from the original on 11 April 2019
. Retrieved
11 April
2019
.
- ^
Prasongko, Dias (20 May 2019).
"KPU Menetapkan Jokowi-Ma'ruf Unggul 55.50 Persen"
.
Tempo
(in Indonesian)
. Retrieved
20 May
2019
.
- ^
Lipson, David (25 May 2019).
"
'Peak Indonesia': Widespread political violence proves no barrier to enterprise"
.
ABC News
. Retrieved
26 May
2019
.
- ^
Davidson, Helen (18 August 2019).
"Indonesia arrests dozens of West Papuans over claim flag was thrown in sewer"
.
The Guardian
.
ISSN
0261-3077
.
Archived
from the original on 28 August 2019
. Retrieved
31 August
2019
.
- ^
Lamb, Kate; Doherty, Ben (22 August 2019).
"West Papua protests: Indonesia deploys 1,000 soldiers to quell unrest, cuts internet"
.
The Guardian
.
Archived
from the original on 25 August 2019
. Retrieved
25 August
2019
.
- ^
"Indonesia protests: Hundreds hurt in student-police clashes"
.
Al Jazeera
. 25 September 2019
. Retrieved
26 September
2019
.
- ^
"No, Indonesian students are not taking to the streets only to fight sex ban"
.
The Jakarta Post
. 27 September 2019
. Retrieved
28 September
2019
.
- ^
Ratcliffe, Rebecca (2 March 2020).
"First coronavirus cases confirmed in Indonesia amid fears nation is ill-prepared for an outbreak"
.
The Guardian
. Retrieved
2 March
2020
.
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"Indonesia's latest official COVID-19 figures"
.
The Jakarta Post
. 5 November 2020
. Retrieved
6 November
2020
.
- ^
Akhlas, Adrian Wail (5 November 2020).
"Breaking: Indonesia enters first recession since 1998 on 3.49% Q3 contraction"
. The Jakarta Post.
Archived
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. Retrieved
5 November
2020
.
- ^
"FOTO: Gelombang Demo Buruh Lawan Omnibus Law Cipta Kerja"
. CNN Indonesia
. Retrieved
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2020
.
References
[
edit
]
- Barton, Greg (2002). Abdurrahman Wahid: Muslim Democrat, Indonesian President. Singapore: UNSW Press, p. 320.
ISBN
0-86840-405-5
, pages 290
Further reading
[
edit
]
- Chandra, Siddharth and Douglas Kammen. (2002). "Generating Reforms and Reforming Generations: Military Politics in Indonesia’s Transition to Democracy." World Politics, Vol. 55, No. 1.
- Dijk, Kees van. (2001).
A country in despair. Indonesia between 1997 and 2000.
KITLV
Press, Leiden,
ISBN
90-6718-160-9
- Kammen, Douglas and Siddharth Chandra. (1999). A Tour of Duty: Changing Patterns of Military Politics in Indonesia in the 1990s. Ithaca, NY: Cornell Modern Indonesia Project No. 75.
- Bunte, Marco/Andreas Ufen: Democratization in Post-Suharto Indonesia, London: Routledge
Djuanda Declaration
[
edit
]
The Djuanda Declaration
which was initiated on December 13, 1957 by Prime Minister
Djuanda Kartawidjaja
, of which the declaration was named after, was a declaration to the world that the Indonesian seas included the seas around, between and within the Indonesian archipelago as one unitary territory of the
Republic of Indonesia
. The content of this Juanda Declaration states:
- That Indonesia declares as an archipelagic country that has its own style
- That since time immemorial, the archipelago has been a single entity
- The provisions of the 1939 Ordinance concerning the Ordinance, can divide the territorial integrity of Indonesia. The declaration contains a purpose:
- To realize the form of the territory of the Unitary Republic of Indonesia which is complete and round
- To determine the boundaries of the territory of the Republic of Indonesia, in accordance with the principles of the Archipelago State
- To regulate peaceful shipping traffic that further ensures the security and safety of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia
History
[
edit
]
Background
[
edit
]
Prior to the Djuanda declaration, the territory of the Republic of Indonesia referred to the
1939 Dutch East Indies Ordinance
, namely
Teritoriale Zeeen en Maritieme Kringen Ordonantie 1939
(
TZMKO 1939
). During this time, the islands in the archipelago were separated by the sea around them and each island only had a sea around it as far as 3 miles from the coastline. This meant that foreign ships can freely navigate the sea that separates the islands.
Juanda Declaration stated that Indonesia adheres to the principles of an archipelago (
Archipelagic State
) which at the time was a great conflict of some countries, so that the inter-island seas was a territory of the Republic of Indonesia and not a free zone. The Djuanda Declaration was then formalized into Law No. 4/PRP/1960 concerning Indonesian Waters. As a result, the total area of ??the Republic of Indonesia doubled 2.5 times from 2,027,087 km² to 5,193,250 km² with the exception of Irian Jaya, which although it was an Indonesian territory, at that time it had not been recognized internationally.
Based on the calculation of 196
straight baselines
from the point of the outermost islands (except Irian Jaya), a virtual boundary line is created around the Republic of Indonesia along 8,069.8 nautical miles .
After going through a long struggle, this declaration in 1982 was finally accepted and stipulated in the third UN convention on the law of the sea in 1982 (
United Nations Convention On The Law of the Sea/UNCLOS 1982
). Furthermore, this declaration was reaffirmed by Law Number 17 of 1985 concerning the ratification of the 1982 UNCLOS that Indonesia is an archipelagic country.
In 1999, President Abdurrahman Wahid declared December 13 as
Nusantara Day
. determination of this day was confirmed by President Megawati by issuing Presidential Decree No. 126 of 2001 concerning Archipelago Day, so that December 13 was officially a national celebration day, but did not include a national holiday.
The contents of the Juanda Declaration, written on December 13, 1957, stated:
- That Indonesia declares as an archipelagic country that has its own style
- That since time immemorial, the archipelago has been a single entity
- The provisions of the 1939 Ordinance concerning the Ordinance, can divide the territorial integrity of Indonesia.
See also
[
edit
]
- Geographical Coordinates of the Base Lines of the Indonesian Archipelago
- Archipelago Insight
- territorial sea
- Archipelago Day
Wilopo
[
edit
]
Wilopo
(21 October 1909 ? 1 June 1981) was an Indonesian politician, who served as the seventh
Prime Minister of Indonesia
, from April 1952 until
his cabinet
's dissolution ? as a result of the
17 October 1952 affair
, due to dissatisfaction among the
military
with the prolonged debate in parliament ? in July 1953.
Early life and education (1909
[
edit
]
Early life
[
edit
]
Wilopo was born in
Purworejo
, on October 21, 1909.
He was born to modest family in
Central Java
. His father was man named Soedjono Soerodirjo, but he was raised by his uncle, a man known as Mantri Guru Prawirodiharjo.
[3]
Political Career
[
edit
]
Minister of Labor
[
edit
]
Prime Minister of Indonesia
[
edit
]
References
[
edit
]
Bibliography
[
edit
]