Political era in Spain
The
Spanish transition to democracy
, known in
Spain
as
la Transicion
(
IPA:
[la
t?ansi?θjon]
; "
the Transition
") or
la Transicion espanola
("the Spanish Transition"), is a period of
modern Spanish history
encompassing the
regime change
that moved from the
Francoist dictatorship
to the consolidation of a
parliamentary system
, in the form of
constitutional monarchy
under
Juan Carlos I
.
The
democratic transition
began after the death of
Francisco Franco
, in November 1975.
Initially, "the political elites left over from Francoism" attempted "to reform of the institutions of dictatorship" through existing legal means,
[2]
but social and political pressure saw the formation of a democratic parliament in the 1977 general election, which had the imprimatur to write a new constitution that was then approved by referendum in December 1978. The following years saw the beginning of the development of the rule of law and establishment of
regional government
, amidst ongoing terrorism, an
attempted
coup d'etat
and global economic problems.
[2]
The Transition is said to have concluded after the landslide victory of the
Spanish Socialist Workers' Party
(PSOE) in the
1982 general election
and the first
peaceful transfer of executive power
. Democracy was on the road to being consolidated.
[2]
[a]
The end result of the Transition according to Casanova was "at least from 1982 onwards, a parliamentary monarchy, based on a democratic constitution, with a large number of rights and freedoms, the consequence of a complex transition, riddled with conflicts, foreseen and unforeseen obstacles and problems, in the context of economic crisis and political uncertainty."
[2]
However, as then-prime minister Gonzalez said later, "the state apparatus was retained, in its entirety, from the dictatorship".
An important characteristic of the Transition was that the most important aspects were adopted by consensus between the governments and the opposition.
While often cited as a paradigm of peaceful, negotiated transition,
political violence
during the Spanish transition was far more prevalent than during the analogous democratization processes in
Greece
or
Portugal
, with the emergence of separatist, leftist, fascist and vigilante terrorist groups and police violence.
[8]
The Re-Democratisation also led to Spain's integration into Europe, a dream of Spanish intellectuals since the end of the 19th century.
[9]
Previous attempts at democratization included the
First Spanish Republic
and the
Second Spanish Republic
.
Political role of Juan Carlos I
[
edit
]
General
Francisco Franco
came to power in 1939, following the
Spanish Civil War
(1936?1939), and
ruled as a dictator
until his death in 1975. In 1969, he designated
Prince Juan Carlos
, grandson of Spain's most recent king,
Alfonso XIII
, as his official successor. For the next six years, Prince Juan Carlos remained in the background during public appearances and seemed ready to follow in Franco's footsteps. Once in power as
King of Spain
, however, he facilitated the development of a
constitutional monarchy
as his father, Don
Juan de Borbon
, had advocated since 1946.
King Juan Carlos I began his reign as head of state without leaving the confines of Franco's legal system. As such, he swore fidelity to the Principles of the
Movimiento Nacional
(National Movement), the political system of the Franco era; took possession of the crown before the Francoist
Cortes Espanolas
; and respected the
Organic Law of the State
for the appointment of his first
head of government
. Only in his speech before the Cortes did he indicate his support for a transformation of the Spanish political system. This de facto alliance between Juan Carlos and the political forces opposed to maintaining the status quo is considered to be a key part to the success of Spain’s transition to democracy.
The transition was an ambitious plan that counted on ample support both within and outside of Spain.
Western
governments, headed by the
United States
, now favoured a Spanish constitutional monarchy, as did many Spanish and international
liberal
capitalists
.
[
citation needed
]
The spectre of the Civil War still haunted Spain.
Francoists
on the
far right
enjoyed considerable support within the
Spanish Army
, and people of the
left
distrusted a king who owed his position to Franco. The King's legitimacy rested on this appointment; his father, Don Juan, did not renounce his claim until 14 May 1977.
[11]
Liberal opinion at the time held therefore, that the throne's legitimacy could only be saved by establishing a democratic, constitutional and parliamentary monarchy.
For the transition to succeed, the army needed to refrain from intervening in the political process on behalf of Francoist elements within the existing government. As Raymond Carr explains,
In containing the right and keeping the army loyal to the government the support of the King, as commander-in-chief of the army, was critical, enabling the government to retire factious generals who regarded it as their duty to maintain the existing constitution.
Government of Carlos Arias Navarro (November 1975 ? July 1976)
[
edit
]
The King did not initially appoint a new prime minister, leaving in place the incumbent head of government under Franco,
Carlos Arias Navarro
. Arias Navarro had not initially planned a reform of the Francoist regime; in the
National Council of the Movement
, an advisory assembly of the ruling
FET y de las JONS
(
Falange
) party and other groups in the
Movimiento Nacional
, he declared that the purpose of his government was the continuity of Francoism through a "democracy in the Spanish way" (
Spanish
:
democracia a la espanola
).
He believed political changes should be limited: he would give the parliament, the Cortes Espanolas, the task of "updating our laws and institutions the way Franco would have wanted".
The reform programme adopted by the government was the one proposed by
Manuel Fraga
, rejecting Antonio Garrigues' plan to elect a
constituent assembly
. Fraga's programme aimed to achieve a "liberal democracy" that was "comparable to the rest of the Western European countries" through a "gradual and controlled process", through a series of reforms of the pseudo-constitutional
Fundamental Laws of the Realm
. This is why his proposal was dubbed as a "reform in the continuity", and his support came mostly from those who defended a Francoist sociological model.
In order for reform to succeed, it had to earn the support of the hardcore Francoist faction known as the
Bunker
, which had a major presence in the Cortes and the National Council of the Movement, the two institutions that would have to eventually approve the reforms of the Fundamental Laws. It also had to garner support within the
Armed Forces
and in the
Spanish Labour Organisation
. It also needed to appease the democratic opposition to Francoism. The approach towards the dissenters was that they would not be part of the reform process, but would be allowed to participate in politics more generally, with the exception of the
Communist Party of Spain
(
Partido Comunista de Espana
, PCE).
This conservative reform was partly inspired by the historical period of the semi-democratic
Bourbon Restoration
(1876?1931), and was criticised
[
by whom?
]
for not taking into account the social and political circumstances of the time.
The project coalesced into a proposal to reform three of the Fundamental Laws, but the exact changes would be determined by a mixed commission of the Government and the National Council of the Movement, as proposed by
Torcuato Fernandez-Miranda
and
Adolfo Suarez
.
The creation of the commission meant that Fraga and the reformists lost control of much of the legislative direction of the country;
the reformists had been planning updated "Laws of Assembly and Association", which included a reform of the
Spanish Criminal Code
. Even so, the new Law of Assembly was passed by the Francoist Cortes on 25 May 1976, allowing public demonstration with government authorization.
On the same day the Law of Political Associations was also approved, supported by Suarez, who affirmed in parliamentary session that "if Spain is plural, the Cortes cannot afford to deny it". Suarez's intervention in favor of this reform shocked many, including Juan Carlos I.
This intervention was key in Juan Carlos' decision to appoint Suarez as Prime Minister in the following month.
The Arias-Fraga reform collapsed on 11 June, when the Cortes rejected changes to the Criminal Code, which had previously made it a crime to be affiliated with a political party other than
FET y de las JONS
.
The members of the Cortes, who vehemently opposed the legalization of the Communist Party, added an amendment to the law that banned political organizations that "submitted to an international discipline" and "advocated for the implantation of a
totalitarian regime
".
Javier Tusell
pointed out that "those who in the past were in bed with totalitarianism now felt entitled to prohibit the totalitarianism of others". The reforms of the Fundamental Laws governing royal succession and the composition of the Cortes, designed by Fraga, also failed. Fraga had intended to make the Cortes
bicameral
, with one chamber elected by universal suffrage and the other having an "
organic
" character.
First government of Adolfo Suarez (July 1976 ? June 1977)
[
edit
]
Torcuato Fernandez-Miranda
, the president of the
Council of the Realm
, placed
Adolfo Suarez
on a list of three candidates for King Juan Carlos to choose to become the new head of government, replacing Arias Navarro. The king chose Suarez because he felt he could meet the challenge of the difficult political process that lay ahead: persuading the Cortes, which was composed of appointed Francoist politicians, to dismantle Franco's system. In this manner, he would formally act within the Francoist legal system and thus avoid the prospect of military intervention in the political process. Suarez was appointed as the 138th Prime Minister of Spain by Juan Carlos on 3 July 1976, a move that, given his Francoist past, was opposed by leftists and some centrists.
As Prime Minister, Suarez quickly presented a clear political program based on two points:
- The development of a political reform bill, which, once approved by the Cortes and the Spanish public in a referendum, would open the constituent process for creating a liberal democracy in Spain.
- Democratic elections to be held in June 1977 to elect a Cortes charged with drawing up a new democratic constitution
This program was clear and unequivocal, but its realization tested the political capacity of Suarez. He had to convince both the opposition to participate in his plan and the army to allow the process to run uninterrupted, and at the same time needed to bring the situation in the
Basque Country
under control.
Despite these challenges, Suarez's project was carried out without delay between July 1976 and June 1977. He had to act on many fronts during this short period of time in order to achieve his aims.
The draft of the
Political Reform Act
(
Ley para la Reforma Politica
) was written by Torcuato Fernandez-Miranda, speaker of the Cortes, who handed it over to the Suarez government in July 1976. The project was approved by the Suarez Government in September 1976.
[26]
To open the door to parliamentary democracy in Spain, this legislation could not simply create a new political system by eliminating the obstacles put in place by the Franco regime against democracy: it had to liquidate the Francoist system through the Francoist Cortes itself. The Cortes, under the presidency of Fernandez-Miranda, debated this bill throughout the month of November; it ultimately approved it, with 425 votes in favor, 59 against, and 13 abstentions.
The Suarez government sought to gain further legitimacy for the changes through a
popular referendum
. On 15 December 1976, with a 77.72% participation rate, 94% of voters indicated their support for the changes. From this moment, it was possible to begin the electoral process (the second part of the Suarez program), which would serve to elect the members of the
Constituent Cortes
, the body that was to be responsible for creating a democratic constitution.
With this part of his plan fulfilled, Suarez had to resolve another issue: should he include the opposition groups who had not participated at the beginning of the transition? Suarez also had to deal with a third problem: coming to terms with the anti-Francoist opposition.
Relations of the Suarez government with the opposition
[
edit
]
Suarez adopted a series of measured policies to add credibility to his project. He issued a partial
political amnesty
in July 1976, freeing 400 prisoners; he then extended this in March 1977, and finally granted a blanket amnesty in May of the same year. In December 1976, the
Tribunal de Orden Publico
(TOP), a sort of Francoist
secret police
, was dissolved. The right to
strike
was legalized in March 1977, with the right to
unionize
being granted the following month. Also in March, a new electoral law (
Ley Electoral
) introduced the necessary framework for Spain's electoral system to be brought into accord with those of other countries that were
liberal
parliamentary democracies
.
Through these and other measures of government, Suarez complied with the conditions that the opposition groups first demanded in 1974. These opposition forces met in November 1976 to create an association of democratic organizations called the
Democratic Convergence Platform
.
Suarez had initiated political contact with the opposition by meeting with
Felipe Gonzalez
,
secretary general
of the
Spanish Socialist Workers' Party
(PSOE), in August 1976.
The positive attitude of the socialist leader gave further support for Suarez to carry forward his reforms, but everyone clearly perceived that the big problem for the political normalization of the country would be the legalization of the Communist Party (PCE), which at the time had more activists and was more organized than any other group in the political opposition. However, in a meeting between Suarez and the most important military leaders in September, the officers strongly declared opposition to the legalization of the PCE.
The PCE, for its part, acted ever more publicly to express its opinions. According to the Communists, the Political Reform Act was anti-democratic and the elections for the Constituent Cortes should be called by a provisional government including members from the opposition. The Communists particularly and the opposition more broadly did not show any enthusiasm for the Political Reform Act. Suarez had to risk even more to involve the opposition forces in his plan.
In December 1976, the PSOE celebrated its 27th Congress in
Madrid
, and began to disassociate itself from the demands of the PCE, affirming that it would participate in the next call for elections for the Constituent Cortes. At the beginning of 1977, the year of the elections, Suarez confronted the problem of legalizing the PCE. After the public indignation against anti-reformists aroused by the
Massacre of Atocha
in January 1977, when far-right terrorists murdered labor leaders aligned with the PCE, Suarez opened negotiations with Communist leader
Santiago Carrillo
in February. Carrillo's willingness to cooperate without prior demands and his offer of a "social pact" for the period after the elections pushed Suarez to take the riskiest step of the transition: the legalization of the PCE in April 1977. However, throughout this critical period the government began a strategy of providing greater institutional space to the
Union General de Trabajadores
(UGT) union, more moderate and linked to the Socialists, in comparison to the Communist-oriented
CCOO
. The manner in which a unified trade union was strategically countered is an important feature of the Spanish transition, as it limited radical opposition and created the basis for a fractured industrial relations system.
Relations of the Suarez government with the Spanish army
[
edit
]
Adolfo Suarez knew well that the
Bunker
?a group of hard-line Francoists led by
Jose Antonio Giron
and
Blas Pinar
, using the newspapers
El Alcazar
and
Arriba
as their mouthpieces?had close contacts with officials in the army and exercised influence over important sectors of the military. The ever-present threat of a coup d’etat from the hardliners required careful navigation.
To resolve the issue, Suarez intended to support himself with a liberal group within the military, centered on General
Diez Alegria
. Suarez gave the members of this group the positions of authority with the most responsibility. The most notable personality of this faction within the army was General
Manuel Gutierrez Mellado
. However, in July 1976, the Vice President for Defense Affairs was General
Fernando de Santiago
, a member of a hardline group within the army. De Santiago had shown his restlessness before, during the first amnesty in July 1976. He had opposed the law granting the right to unionize. Suarez dismissed Fernando de Santiago, nominating Gutierrez Mellado instead. This confrontation with General de Santiago caused a large part of the army to oppose Suarez, opposition that further intensified when the PCE was legalized.
Meanwhile, Gutierrez Mellado promoted officials who supported political reform and removed those commanders of the security forces (the
Policia Armada
and the
Guardia Civil
) who seemed to support preserving the Francoist regime.
Suarez wanted to demonstrate to the army that the political normalization of the country meant neither
anarchy
nor revolution. In this, he counted on the cooperation of Santiago Carrillo, but he could in no way count on the cooperation of terrorist groups.
Resurgence of terrorist activity
[
edit
]
The Basque Country remained, for the better part of this period, in a state of political turbulence. Suarez granted a multi-stage amnesty for numerous Basque political prisoners, but the confrontations continued between local police and protesters. The separatist group
ETA
, which in the middle of 1976 had seemed open to a limited truce after Franco's death, resumed armed confrontation again in October. The time from 1978 to 1980 would be ETA's three deadliest years ever.
[28]
However, it was between December 1976 and January 1977 that a series of attacks brought about a situation of high tension in Spain.
The Maoist
GRAPO
(
Grupos de Resistencia Antifascista Primero de Octubre
) began its armed struggle by bombing public locations, and then continued with the kidnapping of two important figures of the regime: the President of the Council of the State
Jose Maria de Oriol
, and General Villaescusa, President of the Superior Council of the Military Justice. From the right, during these kidnappings, members of the neo-fascist
Alianza Apostolica Anticomunista
conducted the Atocha massacre, three of them labor lawyers, in an office on Atocha Street in Madrid, in January 1977.
In the midst of these provocations, Suarez convened his first meeting with a significant number of opposition leaders, who published a condemnation of terrorism and gave their support to Suarez's actions. During this turbulent time, the
Bunker
capitalized on the instability and declared that the country was on the brink of chaos.
Despite the increased violence by the ETA and GRAPO,
elections
for the Constituent Cortes were carried out in June 1977.
First elections and the draft of the Constitution
[
edit
]
The elections
held on 15 June 1977 confirmed the existence of four important political forces, at the national level. The votes broke down in the following manner:
With the success of the
Basque Nationalist Party
(
Basque
: EAJ,
Euzko Alderdi Jeltzalea
;
Spanish
: PNV,
Partido Nacionalista Vasco
) winning 8 seats and the
Democratic Pact for Catalonia
(PDC,
Pacte Democratic per Catalunya
) winning 11 seats in their respective regions,
nationalist
parties also began to show their political strength in these elections.
The Constituent Cortes (elected Spanish parliament) then began to draft a constitution, in the middle of 1977. In 1978, the
Moncloa Pact
was passed: an agreement amongst politicians, political parties, and trade unions to plan how to operate the economy, during the transition.
[30]
The
Spanish Constitution of 1978
went on to be approved in a referendum, on 6 December 1978.
Governments of the UCD
[
edit
]
Prime Minister Adolfo Suarez's party, the UCD, received a
plurality
, but not an
absolute majority
, in both the June 1977 and
March 1979
elections. To exercise power, the UCD had to form
parliamentary coalitions
with other political parties. From 1979, the government spent much of its time working to hold together the many factions within the party itself, as well as their coalitions. In 1980, the Suarez government had, for the most part, accomplished its goal of a transition to democracy and lacked a further clear agenda. Many UCD members were fairly conservative and did not want further change. For example, a bill to legalize divorce caused much dissension inside the UCD, in spite of being supported by the majority of the populace.
[
citation needed
]
The UCD coalition fell apart.
The clashes among the several factions, inside the party, eroded Suarez's authority and his role as leader. The tension exploded in 1981: Suarez resigned as the head of government, and
Leopoldo Calvo Sotelo
was appointed, first to lead the new cabinet, and later, to the presidency of the UCD;
social democrats
led by
Francisco Fernandez Ordonez
defected from the coalition, later joining the PSOE, while
Christian democrats
left to form the
People's Democratic Party
.
While the democratic normalization had succeeded in convincing
ETA (pm)
, the "political-military" faction of ETA, to abandon arms and enter parliamentary politics, it did not stop the continuation of terrorist attacks by
ETA (m)
("ETA Military"; later simply "ETA") or to a lesser extent, GRAPO. Meanwhile, restlessness in various sections of the armed forces created fear of an impending
military coup
. Reactionary elements in the army attempted a coup known as
23-F
, in which Lieutenant Colonel
Antonio Tejero
led an occupation by a group of
Guardia Civil
of the
Congress of Deputies
, on the afternoon of 23 February 1981. The coup leaders claimed to be acting in the king's name. However, early on the following morning, Juan Carlos gave a nationwide speech unequivocally opposing it, saying that "the Crown, symbol of the permanence and unity of the nation, will not tolerate, in any degree whatsoever, the actions or behavior of anyone attempting, through use of force, to interrupt the democratic process." The coup was broken later that day, but demonstrated the existence of insurrectionary elements within the army.
First government of Felipe Gonzalez (1982?1986)
[
edit
]
Calvo Sotelo dissolved parliament and called for elections in October 1982. In the 1979 election, the UCD had achieved a plurality, but in 1982, it suffered a spectacular defeat with only 11 seats in the Parliament. The
1982 elections
gave an absolute majority to the PSOE, which had already spent many years preparing its image of an alternative government.
At the 28th Congress of the PSOE in May 1979, secretary-general Felipe Gonzalez resigned, rather than ally with the strong revolutionary elements that seemed to dominate the party. A special congress was called that September, and realigned the party along more moderate lines, renouncing
Marxism
and allowing Gonzalez to take charge once more.
Throughout 1982, the PSOE confirmed its moderate orientation and brought in the social democrats, who had just broken from the UCD.
Winning an absolute majority in parliament in two consecutive elections (1982 and
1986
), and exactly half the seats in
1989
, allowed the PSOE to legislate and govern without establishing pacts with the other parliamentary political forces. In this way, the PSOE could make laws to achieve the goals of its political program, "
el cambio
" ("the change"). At the same time, the PSOE led many local and regional administrations. This comfortable political majority allowed the PSOE to give the country a long period of tranquility and stability, after the intense years of the transition.
Chronology of key events
[
edit
]
Date
|
Event
|
20 November 1975
|
Franco dies
|
22 November 1975
|
Juan Carlos sworn in as king and Head of State;
[32]
he pardons 9000 political prisoners.
Arias Navarro continues as prime minister.
|
January?March 1976
|
Democratic protests include 17,455 strikes, 1672 demonstrations and 283 sit-ins as documented by Interior Ministry
[33]
|
29 May 1976
|
Right of Assembly Act
[34]
allows public demonstrations
|
14 June 1976
|
Political Associations Act
[35]
allows political parties
|
1 July 1976
|
Suarez appointed prime minister, forms new government and announces his intention to create a modern democracy
|
19 July 1976
|
Penal Code reformed to decriminalise the rights of assembly, association, expression of ideas and freedom of work
[36]
|
30 July 1976
|
Amnesty for some political prisoners (but excludes "crimes of blood")
[37]
|
18 November 1976
|
Political Reform Act
[38]
passed, which re-establishes democracy
|
18 December 1976
|
Political Reform Act ratified by referendum
|
4 March 1977
|
Labour Relations Act
[39]
legalises right to strike
|
18 March 1977
|
Electoral Rules Act
[40]
passed
|
1 April 1977
|
Trade Union Act
[41]
legalises the right to organise
|
9 April 1977
|
Communist Party legalised
|
22 April 1977
|
European Parliament acknowledges Spain's move to democracy
[42]
|
14 May 1977
|
Don Juan
renounces claim to throne
[42]
|
15 June 1977
|
First free election
held in Spain since 1936. They have a mandate to write a new constitution
|
21 June 1977
|
Spanish Republican government in exile
dissolves itself
|
15 October 1977
|
Amnesty Act
[43]
freed political prisoners, including "crimes of blood" (referring to ETA) and permitted those exiled to return to Spain and guaranteed immunity for those who participated in crimes during the Civil War and in Francoist Spain
|
29 September 1977
|
Reestablishment of the
Generalitat
, the autonomous government of
Catalonia
, the sole institution of the Second Spanish Republic to be reinstated
|
25 October 1977
|
Moncloa Pacts
signed
|
6 December 1978
|
New constitution
ratified by referendum
|
29 January 1981
|
Suarez resigns as prime minister
|
23 February 1981
|
Attempted coup d’etat
known as 23-F
|
30 May 1982
|
Spain joins NATO
|
28 October 1982
|
Socialist government elected
|
Notes
[
edit
]
- ^
Some historians suggest an earlier date for the conclusion of the Transition
including the 1977 general election, the 1978 Constitution, or the 1981 attempted coup. One writer suggests the Transition only concluded in 2006 with the end of consensus politics and the re-emergence of open debate on divisive issues.
See also
[
edit
]
References
[
edit
]
- ^
a
b
c
d
Casanova & Gil Andres 2014
, p. 291.
- ^
Tremlett 2008
, p. 77: "More than a hundred demonstrators, left-wing activists, students and separatists were killed by the police or the
ultras
, the far right. Many more were killed by ETA and other left-wing or separatist terrorist groups".
- ^
Casanova & Gil Andres 2014
, p. 356.
- ^
Casanova & Gil Andres 2014
, p. 295,306.
- ^
"Historia de un Cambio"
. Ayuntamiento de Durcal. Archived from
the original
on 28 September 2007.
- ^
"Acciones Terroristas: Victimas Policiales de ETA"
. La Guardia Civil. Archived from
the original
on 2005-08-16
. Retrieved
2005-09-23
.
- ^
"Appendix A: Table 2. Selected Election Results for the Congress of Deputies, 1977?86"
.
Country Studies: Spain
. Library of Congress.
- ^
Garland 2010
.
- ^
Casanova & Gil Andres 2014
, p. 292.
- ^
Casanova & Gil Andres 2014
, p. 298.
- ^
Right of Assembly Act
(17/1976) (in Spanish). 29 May 1976
. Retrieved
25 October
2023
.
- ^
Political Associations Act
(21/1976) (in Spanish). 14 June 1976
. Retrieved
25 October
2023
.
- ^
Penal Code Amendment Act
(23/1976) (in Spanish). 19 July 1976
. Retrieved
25 October
2023
.
- ^
Amnesty Decree
(10/1976) (in Spanish). 30 July 1976
. Retrieved
25 October
2023
.
- ^
Political Reform Act
(1/1977) (in Spanish). 4 January 1977
. Retrieved
25 October
2023
.
- ^
Labour Relations Act
(17/1977) (in Spanish). 4 March 1977
. Retrieved
25 October
2023
.
- ^
Electoral Rules Act
(20/1977) (in Spanish). 18 March 1977
. Retrieved
25 October
2023
.
- ^
Trade Union Act
(19/1977) (in Spanish). 1 April 1977
. Retrieved
25 October
2023
.
- ^
a
b
Casanova & Gil Andres 2014
, p. 306.
- ^
Amnesty Act
(46/1977) (in Spanish). 15 October 1977
. Retrieved
25 October
2023
.
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edit
]
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.
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(2008).
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] (in Spanish). Madrid.
ISBN
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.
{{
cite book
}}
: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (
link
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Los socialistas europeos y la transicion espanola (1959?1977)
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] (in Spanish). Madrid: Marcial Pons. p. 22.
ISBN
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(2003).
Juan Carlos. El Rey de un pueblo
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ISBN
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La Espana democratica (1975?2000). Politica y sociedad
[
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The Spanish transition. The recovery of liberties
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Politics & Society
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- Historia de un Cambio
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