Political party in Romania
The
National Renaissance Front
(
Romanian
:
Frontul Rena?terii Na?ionale
, FRN; also translated as
Front of National Regeneration
,
Front of National Rebirth
,
[3]
Front of National Resurrection
, or
Front of National Renaissance
) was a
Romanian
political party
created by
King
Carol II
in 1938 as the
single monopoly party
of government following his decision to ban all other political parties and suspend the
1923 Constitution
, and the passing of the
1938 Constitution of Romania
. It was the party of
Prime Ministers
Armand C?linescu
,
Gheorghe Arge?anu
,
Constantin Argetoianu
,
Gheorghe T?t?rescu
, and
Ion Gigurtu
, whose regimes were associated with
corporatism
and
antisemitism
. Largely reflecting Carol's own political choices, the FRN was the last of several attempts to counter the popularity of the fascist and antisemitic
Iron Guard
. In mid-1940, Carol reorganized the FRN into the more radical
Party of the Nation
(
Partidul Na?iunii
or
Partidul Na?iunei
, PN), designed as a "totalitarian unity party".
[3]
The party's anthem was "
Pe-al nostru steag e scris Unire
".
[4]
It effectively ceased to function the following year when the
Parliament of Romania
was dissolved.
History
[
edit
]
Context
[
edit
]
The conflict between Carol II and the Iron Guard became noted during the
election of December 1937
, when the monarch backed the
National Liberal Party
(PNL) of incumbent Premier T?t?rescu, expecting it to carry the vote; in effect, the result was inconclusive, with none of the parties receiving enough of a percentage to be awarded a
majority bonus
, and with political rivalries preventing any single coalition. Faced with this outcome, Carol chose to back the antisemitic
National Christian Party
(PNC) of
Octavian Goga
and
A. C. Cuza
, appointing Goga as the new Prime Minister on December 26, 1937?effectively, this led the two main traditional parties, the PNL and the
National Peasants' Party
(PN?), to become marginalized.
[5]
Instead, the new regime's establishment caused a migration of politicians from the PN?, comprising
Armand C?linescu
, who chose to support the new policies and joined the Goga cabinet.
[6]
A
paramilitary
grouping, the blue-shirted
L?ncieri
, was established as the new arm of the regime, and soon began acting against both groups of Iron Guard agitators and members of the
Jewish community
.
[7]
The incidents had negative effects on Romanian society: the Jewish
middle class
boycotted the system by withdrawing their investments and refusing to pay taxes (to the point where the
National Bank of Romania
declared the regime's
insolvency
), while
France
and the
United Kingdom
threatened Romania with sanctions, and the
Soviet Union
withdrew its embassy from
Bucharest
.
[6]
Clash with the Iron Guard
[
edit
]
After an initial violent confrontation with the Iron Guard, Goga, assisted by the
Polish
envoy
Mirosław Arciszewski
, signed a pact with its leader
Corneliu Zelea Codreanu
(February 8, 1938), a move which threatened to topple Carol's original designs.
[7]
Two days later, the PNC was deposed and the monarch created a
national government
around
Miron Cristea
,
Patriarch
of the
Romanian Orthodox Church
, backed by
right-wing
figures such as T?t?rescu,
Alexandru Averescu
,
Alexandru Vaida-Voevod
,
Nichifor Crainic
, and
Nicolae Iorga
.
[8]
[9]
[10]
The new
corporatist
and
authoritarian
Constitution of Romania
, promulgated on February 20, 1938, proclaimed stately interest to be above individual ones.
[11]
[12]
According to its text, "all Romanians, regardless of their ethnicity and their religious faith" were required to "sacrifice themselves in defending [the country's] integrity, independence and dignity", while it was stipulated that "no one can consider oneself free from civil and military, public or private duties on the grounds of one’s religious faith or any other kind of faith".
[13]
A law passed in April, defining the "defense of state order", restricted all other forms of political association, forbade political chants and paramilitary displays, banned the press organs of political parties, and condemned political contacts between Romanian forces and outside patrons.
[14]
[15]
In April, following an orchestrated conflict between Iorga and Codreanu, a large number of Iron Guard activists, including Codreanu himself, was prosecuted and jailed on orders from C?linescu, the
Minister of Internal Affairs
.
[16]
As Carol witnessed the failure of European countries to defend themselves from
Nazi German
advances, consecrated by the
Anschluss
and the
Munich Agreement
, he met with
Adolf Hitler
at
Berghof
(November 24, 1938), and became convinced that Romania faced a similar fate.
[17]
He subsequently ordered the Iron Guard, whom he perceived as a
fifth column
for the Germans,
[18]
to be decapitated: during the following days, Codreanu and the majority of top-ranking Guardists were assassinated, while secondary ones, led by
Horia Sima
, fled the country and took refuge in Germany, where they remained after the outbreak of
World War II
.
[19]
There, they began plotting a revenge against the regime's officials, including Carol.
[20]
Creation
[
edit
]
The FRN itself was created as the first monopoly party in Romania's history, through the Royal Decree of December 15, 1938.
[11]
[21]
The legislation proclaimed that,
ex officio
, all members of the Royal Council were its members, while all citizens over the age of 20 could apply to join; by law, people who engaged in any other political activity faced being stripped of their
civil rights
for as long as 5 years.
[21]
Writing at the time, C?linescu defined the FRN as "mainly a spiritual movement", proclaiming the FRN's goals of "re-establishing the rights of the State, its natural parts", "promoting the general interests of the collectivity" and "[giving] life a sense of moral value".
[22]
In May 1939, the electoral law suffered drastic changes: the voting age was raised to 30, voters had to be
literate
and employed in one of three fields (agriculture and manual labor, commerce and industry, intellectual professions), and new, fewer precincts were drawn up (11 in all, standing for the 10 new
?inuturi
and
Bucharest
).
[23]
The
Senate
, whose eligible members could only be voted into office by high-ranking members of corporations or
guilds
(
bresle
), comprised a number of
members for life
(in addition to those already holding the office by the time the law was adopted, these were religious leaders and various members of the
House of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen
?a seat was reserved for
Mihai
, the heir to the throne and "
Grand-Voivode
of
Alba Iulia
", from the date of his coming of age).
[23]
Carol's regime has generally been viewed as (if at all) superficially fascist, and endorsed by the
United Kingdom
and
France
as a means to present a line of defense against
Nazism
in the
Balkans
[24]
(the Western press held, overall, a sympathetic view of the FRN).
[25]
The Front adopted
fascist
symbols and discourse. After January 1939, party members wore uniforms (
navy blue
or white in color),
[9]
[23]
[24]
[26]
[27]
with various ceremonial hats. The
Roman salute
was a mandatory greeting.
[24]
Ever since the years of its existence, the FRN and its government have been the target of ridicule,
[9]
[24]
[27]
[28]
and their ideology has been described as "
operetta
fascism".
[24]
After attending a Parliament session in 1939,
Marthe Bibesco
mocked the sight of uniforms:
"It is a garden of
lilies
and
daisies
, a
colonial
parliament. […]
Argetoianu
looks like a white elephant. […] The old politicians […] have [thus] been whitewashed, like fruit trees or train station water-closets?like anything requiring disinfection."
[26]
Political tendencies
[
edit
]
Ideologically, the FRN took inspiration from three main sources. It fused messages borrowed from and used against the Iron Guard with those of the traditional
Right
, while also stressing several
left-wing
tenets.
[29]
Among the
far right
tendencies it absorbed was the small-scale fascist-inspired
feminist
and
racist
movement formed by
Alexandrina Cantacuzino
(
Gruparea Na?ional? a Femeilor Romane
, the National Grouping of Romanian Women). Although Cantacuzino's ideology remained relatively influential for the following years, the Grouping itself was dissolved in 1939.
[30]
The FRN continued to make use of
antisemitism
, and appealed to
nationalists
by promising to find an answer to the "
Jewish Question
".
[29]
Before 1940, no Antisemitic law was passed, but, as a rule, Jews were denied FRN membership.
[31]
The arbitrary measure of the
Octavian Goga
cabinet, through which hundreds of thousands of Jews had been stripped of their citizenship, was continued through a requirement that all those excluded be registered as foreigners.
[32]
Members of the community were encouraged to leave the country.
[33]
Nevertheless, violence was reduced, especially since its main agents, the Iron Guard and the
National Christian Party
, had been outlawed.
[33]
The Front's policies in respect to other
ethnic minorities
, as C?linescu reported, aimed to "show [the new regime's] benevolence to the foreign elements, as long as they are sincerely integrated in the life of the State". Also according to C?linescu, the FRN rejected all notion of territorial reshaping ("There are not, and cannot be any territorial problems […]").
[22]
In one notable example, Carol chose to reestablish the seat held in Parliament by the
Polish minority
of Bukovina, and awarded it to
Tytus Czerkawski
— this followed intense campaigning from politicians and journalists in the
Republic of Poland
for Romania to review the
centralist
policies set by
Ion Nistor
in 1919.
[34]
Notably, the FRN also incorporated much of the leftist tendency inside the PN? (C?linescu,
Mihail Ghelmegeanu
,
Petre Andrei
,
Mihai Ralea
,
Cezar Petrescu
), drawing on a
Poporanist
legacy,
[9]
[29]
[35]
while enlisting support from well-known
socialists
such as
Gala Galaction
,
[29]
Ioan Fluera?
, and
George Grigorovici
.
[36]
The corporatist structure, which, in theory, covered the entire Romanian society, was centered on newly founded guilds, overseen by Fluera? and forming the basis for representation in
Parliament
.
[29]
[36]
A
minimum wage
was imposed on private enterprises, while a body regulating
leisure
,
Munc? ?i Voe Bun?
, was created on the model set by the Nazi
Strength Through Joy
and the
Italian fascist
Opera nazionale dopolavoro
. The organization grouping youth,
Straja ??rii
, had been functioning since 1934?35; in addition, university students were enrolled in work teams and required to assist in harvests and other countryside projects. As part of the FRN's focus on
modernization
(which it imposed from top to bottom), special mobile teams visited villages and provided hot showers for peasants.
[29]
Factionalism and opposition
[
edit
]
While, arguably, most Romanian citizens accepted the new political context, the FRN had relatively few convinced
cadres
?its upper ranks were occupied by traditional politicians who were popularly associated with
corruption
and Carol's, and much of its membership comprised civil servants whose affiliation was mandatory.
[37]
According to
Marthe Bibesco
:
"Among [the parliamentarians], many have daubed the king in mud and, at the smallest proof of weakness on his part, are ready to daub him anew. This is probably why he has given them clothes that stain easily?to prevent them from smirching themselves. But who could ever stop them?"
[26]
Businessmen associated with Carol continued to make the bulk of their income from state contracts, progressively orienting themselves towards the
arms industry
[38]
(
Nicolae Malaxa
, an industrialist and personal friend of Carol, collected profits of 300?1,000% during the FRN period).
[25]
In January?February 1939, a conflict erupted between Carol and
Nicolae Iorga
, following the latter's refusal to wear the FRN uniform during public ceremony, and worsened by his protest against
Constantin R?dulescu-Motru
's proposal to have all
Romanian Academy
members join the Front. When Iorga used the Academy hall to publicize his opinion, the king sent Colonel
Ernest Urd?reanu
to end the proceedings.
[27]
Censored, Iorga appealed to other means of making his opinions known, and, during a seminar he held in his home, voiced harsh criticism of the FRN:
"See the outings of the
tyrant
[Carol] among silent crowds with eyes sparkling [out of anger] and yet the next day journals announce that the sovereign was acclaimed… No book can be published without reaching the tyrant. The sovereign disposes of public opinion each morning, as soon as he wakes up. There is no public opinion, there is a committee of public opinion coordinating the wishes of the crowd. Raise not your voice, or else a will spy betray you, a plain clothes man will arrest you, a
gendarme
or a butcher will beat you up savagely, and occasionally, in the
Police
cellars, your head will be crushed or put up against the wall. It is as if we were living under the terror of the
GPU
in
Lubyanka
. […] Constitutional guarantees have disappeared. We know a man can be arrested, killed. Individual security is a trifle. We have no representatives in Parliament to decide our taxes and tell our grievances."
[39]
Iorga also made an angry remark in respect to the new Constitution:
"Our Constitution should be the product of the nation, relying on strict principles of the soul and the manifestations of our people. Our
first Constitution
was created by a certain
Alecu Constantinescu
, and that of last February by
Istrate Micescu
, an idiotic jurist who only sees that which is written in his manuals and that which the king has told him."
[39]
Similar criticism was voiced in respect to Armand C?linescu, who had repeatedly pressured him to accept wearing the uniform.
[27]
Eventually, Carol reconciled with the academic, and Iorga even agreed to wear the FRN uniform (while specifying that he was doing it upon the monarch's request, and not for "those […] who believe themselves to be the founding-figures of a country"
[39]
?in likely reference to C?linescu).
[27]
The political structure continued to be marked by rivalries between various politicians?according to Argetoianu, these opposed T?t?rescu to the Royal Commissioner
Victor Iamandi
, as well as to a
Transylvanian
faction formed around
Alexandru Vaida-Voevod
(successor to the
Romanian Front
), and the latter grouping to the one around
A. C. Cuza
, emerged from the
National Christian Party
. Argetoianu stressed that this process was similar to "the era of elections".
[35]
Despite such contradictions, the regime did exert an attraction on
lower middle class
people who had been underrepresented in previous decades.
[40]
In contrast with official ideology, Carol allowed other opposition parties to exist in all but on paper, kept contacts with them, and, in early 1940, had meetings with the PNL's
Dinu Br?tianu
,
[41]
the PN?'s
Ion Mihalache
, and the dissident left-winger
Nicolae N. Lupu
,
[35]
attempting to persuade each to merge their groupings with the FRN.
[35]
[41]
Reacting to the collaboration between PNL and PN?, he offered the former a chance to form a new cabinet, but the offer was refused following its rejection by
Gheorghe I. Br?tianu
.
[41]
According to the leading PN? member
Ioan Hudi??
, the Front continued to find sympathy inside his own party, and some of its figures (including Mihalache,
Virgil Madgearu
, and
Mihai Popovici
) allegedly considered affiliating with it.
[42]
In this context, social opposition and the
labor movement
were insignificant.
[25]
Having always been a minor grouping, the
Communist Party of Romania
(PCdR) had been driven in the underground by repression during the 1920s and early 1930s,
[43]
[44]
and had survived inside the country by infiltrating the left wings of other groupings.
[44]
After 1939, the PCdR received an order from the
Comintern
to attempt infiltrating the FRN at a local level and attract its members to the
far left
.
[43]
The main left-wing group, of the
Social Democrats
, continued to function in the same terms as other traditional parties, and organized several cultural and social events, all tolerated by the regime and part of them copied or arrogated.
[36]
At the other end of the political spectrum,
Corpul Muncitoresc Legionar
, the Iron Guard's answer to
trade unions
, had only marginal appeal and was also driven underground.
[24]
FRN decline and Party of the Nation
[
edit
]
The decline of the FRN came largely as a result of German successes in the early stages of
World War II
.
[45]
[46]
In late summer 1939, the Romanian public opinion was shocked by news of the
Molotov?Ribbentrop Pact
, which effected an agreement between Romania's most powerful adversaries, and the regime began preparing for war: it organized military training for the population beginning in late August,
[47]
and invested large sums into arms production (it was announced that the
Romanian Naval Forces
were fitted with one vessel each month). These measures signified that salaries of state employees fell by as much as 40%, to which was added the toll of
expropriations
.
[48]
The United Kingdom significantly increased its imports from Romania, attempting to prevent products from reaching Germany,
[49]
while
Minister of Finance
Miti?? Constantinescu
imposed a tax on many outgoing products (according to Argetoianu, the decision was approved due to "the exceptional times we are living through, when we must sacrifice all interest to save the country's borders").
[35]
In parallel, several assassination attempts, ordered by
Horia Sima
from Germany, were foiled by
Siguran?a Statului
before a
death squad
was able to murder
Armand C?linescu
, who had previously replaced Cristea as Premier, on September 21, 1939.
[50]
At the same time, Romania began offering Germany a series of deals, hoping to dissuade its hostility: the latter received advantageous
clearing
agreements, while the
Reichswerke
joined
Nicolae Malaxa
in taking over the businesses of
Max Auschnitt
, who had been arrested in September.
[47]
The property of other Jewish businessmen, in the oil industry (
Astra Roman?
), as well as in the sugar industry and in
logging
, was taken over by the state over the following months.
[51]
Eventually, as Germany completed its
invasion of Poland
and continued to voice support for
Hungary
in relation to Romanian-ruled
Transylvania
, Romania conceded to German economic demands (on March 7, 1940, the
Gheorghe T?t?rescu
executive agreed to direct almost all cereal and oil exports towards
Berlin
).
[47]
Romania did however offer assistance to Polish troops fleeing their country immediately after the start of
Nazi occupation
(
see
Polish?Romanian alliance
).
[35]
The country's position became even more precarious after the
fall of France
in May?as a direct consequence, Romania renounced its alliance with the United Kingdom and began attempts to join the
Axis
.
[9]
[52]
The change in policy also resulted in the reorganisation of the FRN as the
Party of the Nation
(June 21?2), under the leadership of
Ion Gigurtu
.
[9]
[32]
[53]
The PN's character was significantly more
fascist
and
totalitarian
than the FRN had been, to the point where it has been described as a newly founded grouping.
[9]
[32]
Indeed, the decree announcing the PN's creation depicted it as a "single and totalitarian party under the supreme leadership of His Majesty, King Carol II."
[32]
The party restated its goal as "lead[ing] the moral and material life of the Romanian nation and state."
[53]
A law passed during the same interval criminalized "activities against the interests of the Party of the Nation", "
propaganda
against the interests of the Party of the Nation", as well as "publicly removing, destroying, deteriorating, out of contempt or derision, the Party of the Nation's badges, emblems, uniforms, manifestos or publications".
[54]
However, the FRN had been taking on a more fascist character for a time before then; as early as 1939, ministers greeted Carol with a fascist-style salute.
[55]
Carol also decided to appeal to Iron Guard assistance, allowed its freed activists to join the PN if they chose to do so,
[31]
and, on June 25, 1940, he signed an agreement with Sima.
[9]
Consequently, Sima became
Minister of Culture
in the Gigurtu cabinet, and two other Guardists were appointed to similar positions (Sima himself was to resign after just four days).
[9]
[56]
The notorious Antisemite
Nichifor Crainic
, who was sympathetic to the Guard, was also assigned a cabinet post, as Minister of Propaganda.
[57]
The new authorities produced the first
racial segregation
laws, based on the
Nuremberg Legislation
and aimed at the
Jewish community
[9]
[58]
?these notably introduced the legal concept of
romani de sange
("Romanians by blood"), as a distinct category inside the body of Romanian citizens.
[57]
Downfall
[
edit
]
In the wake of the
Molotov?Ribbentrop Pact
, on June 26, 1940, Romania was presented by the
Soviet Union
with an
ultimatum
demanding the cession of
Bessarabia
and
Northern Bukovina
. As a result, Romania withdrew its administration from the region, leaving room for
Soviet annexation
.
[45]
[52]
[59]
On July 3, after the retreat had been completed, Carol remarked:
"News from Bessarabia is even sadder. Unfortunately I was right about the so-called [National Renaissance Front], as some of its leaders there seem to have converted to
Bolshevism
and were among the first to welcome Soviet troops with
red flags
and flowers."
[60]
The process described by Carol is known to have occurred in
Soroca
, where FRN officials (the former Prefect Petre Sfecl?, the Mayor Gheorghe Lupa?cu, party branch leader Alexandru Anop, and school inspector Petre Hri?cu) hosted a ceremonial welcome for the
Red Army
.
[61]
On August 30, 1940, Germany and
Fascist Italy
pressured Romania into signing the
Second Vienna Award
, which assigned
Northern Transylvania
to Hungary (which also brought the German military presence within hours of the
oil fields
in
Prahova County
). Through the cession of
Southern Dobruja
to
Bulgaria
(the
Treaty of Craiova
) in early September,
Greater Romania
had come to an end, ending up in the shape it had at the end of
World War I
.
[52]
As Hungarian troops entered Northern Transylvania,
Bucharest
became the scene of massive public rallies, which called for the PN government to be replaced with one that would support the recovery of lost regions.
[52]
The Iron Guard also maneuvered into action: on September 3, its cells in various cities attempted to take over the administration, but failed due to the authorities' response.
[62]
Faced with such incidents, Carol chose to reform his own government, and appealed to his rival, General
Ion Antonescu
, to form a
military dictatorship
and a cabinet. After agreeing, Antonescu, with support from various political forces and the
Romanian Army
, pressured Carol to step down and be replaced with his son
Mihai
. On September 6, 1940, the monarch agreed to leave his throne and country, settling in
Brazil
at the start of 1941;
[63]
what contributed to this decision was Sima's support for Antonescu, and threat to assassinate Carol.
[64]
Eight days after Carol's departure, the Iron Guard joined
Conduc?tor
Antonescu in government, thereby establishing the
National Legionary State
(in existence until the
Legionnaires' Rebellion
of January 1941).
[65]
Right after dealing with opposition inside his own camp (by marginalizing the radical faction of
Ion Zelea Codreanu
),
[66]
Sima issued calls for a violent reprisal against the former top FRN and PN politicians.
[67]
On the night of November 26?27, 1940, sixty-four
political prisoners
were massacred
in
Jilava
by
Corpul Muncitoresc Legionar
and Iron Guard affiliates in the
Romanian Police
(in theory, as reprisal for the killing of
Corneliu Zelea Codreanu
). At the same time, three former Police commissioners, held under arrest in Bucharest precincts, were also assassinated. On the evening of November 27, Iron Guard members stormed into the houses of
Nicolae Iorga
and the PN?'s
Virgil Madgearu
?the two were kidnapped and shot; earlier in the day, Army officials intervened to save the lives of former Premiers
Constantin Argetoianu
and
Gheorghe T?t?rescu
.
[68]
Cultural legacy
[
edit
]
Carol's regime in general and the FRN period in particular were noted for their large-scale cultural ventures.
[69]
This was an integral part of Carol's designs to impose himself on collective memory as a new founder and a
modernizing
monarch, with a claim that Romania was undergoing full development under his rule.
Lucian Boia
indicated that, in contrast with his predecessors, Carol depicted himself as "a modern, dynamic king, present in the center of all that was happening in Romanian society".
[70]
Boia concluded that, despite his innovative stance, Carol encouraged similar praise of his predecessor,
Carol I of Romania
, to whom he was frequently associated in iconography and cultural reference (notably manifested in the 1939 inauguration of a massive equestrian statue of the first
Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen
king, crafted by
Ivan Me?trovi?
and erected near the
Royal Palace
).
[69]
Electoral history
[
edit
]
Legislature
[
edit
]
Election
|
Leader
|
Votes
|
%
|
Seats
|
Position
|
Status
|
Deputies
|
Senate
|
1939
|
Armand C?linescu
|
1,587,514
|
100
|
|
|
1st
|
Government
(1939?1940)
|
Notes
[
edit
]
- ^
Cyprian Blamires. World Fascism: A Historical Encyclopedia, Volume 1. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2006. p. 21.
- ^
Badie, Bertrand
;
Berg-Schlosser, Dirk
;
Morlino, Leonardo
, eds. (7 September 2011).
International Encyclopedia of Political Science
. SAGE Publications (published 2011).
ISBN
9781483305394
. Retrieved
9 September
2020
.
... fascist Italy ... developed a state structure known as the corporate state with the ruling party acting as a mediator between 'corporations' making up the body of the nation. Similar designs were quite popular elsewhere in the 1930s. The most prominent examples were
Estado Novo
in Portugal (1932-1968) and Brazil (1937-1945), the Austrian
Standestaat
(1933-1938), and authoritarian experiments in Estonia, Romania, and some other countries of East and East-Central Europe,
- ^
a
b
Payne, Stanley G.
(1995).
A History of Fascism, 1914?1945
.
University of Wisconsin Press
. p. 392.
- ^
Gheorghe Stoica, "Agarbiceanu la
Tribuna
? Cluj. 1938?1940", in
Tribuna Documenta
, Issue 1, 2004, p. VII
- ^
Veiga, pp. 245?46.
- ^
a
b
Veiga, p. 246.
- ^
a
b
Veiga, pp. 246?47.
- ^
110 ani de social-democra?ie in Romania
, pp. 22?23.
- ^
a
b
c
d
e
f
g
h
i
j
Butnaru, p. 64.
- ^
Veiga, p. 247.
- ^
a
b
Majuru.
- ^
Veiga, p. 247?48.
- ^
1938 Constitution, in Majuru.
- ^
"Decret-lege pentru ap?rarea ordinei in stat", in Scurtu
et al.
- ^
Veiga, p. 271.
- ^
Veiga, pp. 250?51, 255?56.
- ^
Veiga, pp. 256?57.
- ^
Veiga, pp. 251, 254?55, 257, 271?72.
- ^
Butnaru, pp. 62?63; Veiga, pp. 260?62.
- ^
Butnaru, pp. 63?64; Veiga, pp. 261?62, 275?76.
- ^
a
b
"Decret-lege pentru infiin?area Frontului Rena?terii Na?ionale", in Scurtu
et al.
- ^
a
b
C?linescu, in Majuru
- ^
a
b
c
"Decret-lege pentru reforma electoral?", in Scurtu
et al.
- ^
a
b
c
d
e
f
Veiga, p. 263.
- ^
a
b
c
Veiga, p. 265.
- ^
a
b
c
Bibesco, in Scurtu
et al.
.
- ^
a
b
c
d
e
?urlea.
- ^
Boia, p. 205.
- ^
a
b
c
d
e
f
Veiga, p. 264.
- ^
Petrescu.
- ^
a
b
Final Report
, p. 51.
- ^
a
b
c
d
Final Report
, pp. 51?52.
- ^
a
b
Final Report
, p. 52.
- ^
Siiulescu.
- ^
a
b
c
d
e
f
Argetoianu.
- ^
a
b
c
110 ani de social-democra?ie in Romania
, p. 23.
- ^
Veiga, pp. 263?65.
- ^
Veiga, pp. 264?65.
- ^
a
b
c
Iorga, in ?urlea.
- ^
Veiga, pp. 263?64.
- ^
a
b
c
Otu
- ^
Hudi??
- ^
a
b
Pokivailova, p. 47.
- ^
a
b
Veiga, p. 223
- ^
a
b
Butnaru, pp. 64?5.
- ^
Veiga, pp. 265?69, 277
- ^
a
b
c
Veiga, p. 267
- ^
Veiga, p. 277
- ^
Veiga, p. 266
- ^
Butnaru, pp. 63?4; Veiga, pp. 261?62.
- ^
Veiga, p. 278
- ^
a
b
c
d
Veiga, p. 268.
- ^
a
b
"Decret-lege pentru transformarea Frontului Rena?terii Na?ionale in Partidul Na?iunii", in Scurtu
et al.
- ^
"Decret-lege pentru ap?rarea ordinei politice unice ?i totalitare a statului roman", in Scurtu
et al.
- ^
"Rumanian Cabinet Gives Fascist Salute to Carol",
New York Times
, January 2, 1939, pg. 1
- ^
Final Report
, pp. 52?3.
- ^
a
b
Final Report
, p. 53.
- ^
Final Report
, pp. 53?4.
- ^
Final Report
, pp. 82?4.
- ^
Carol, in
Final Report
, p. 83
- ^
Final Report
, p. 83
- ^
Veiga, pp. 268?69
- ^
Veiga, p. 269.
- ^
Veiga, p. 280
- ^
Veiga, p. 279
- ^
Veiga, pp. 290?91.
- ^
Veiga, pp. 291?92
- ^
Veiga, p. 292.
- ^
a
b
Boia, pp. 204?5.
- ^
Boia, p. 204.
References
[
edit
]
- (in Romanian)
110 ani de social-democra?ie in Romania
("110 Years of Social Democracy in Romania")
,
Social Democratic Party
, Ovidiu ?incai Social Democratic Institute, Bucharest, July 9, 2003
- Final Report
of the
International Commission on the Holocaust in Romania
- (in Romanian)
Constantin Argetoianu
,
"Frontul Rena?terii Na?ionale" ("The National Renaissance Front")
, fragment of
Insemn?ri zilnice
, in
Jurnalul Na?ional
, June 25, 2005
- Lucian Boia
,
History and Myth in Romanian Consciousness
, Central European University Press,
Budapest
, 2001
- Ion C. Butnaru,
The Silent Holocaust: Romania and Its Jews
, Praeger/Greenwood, Westport, 1992
- (in Romanian)
Ioan Hudi??
,
"Pagini de jurnal" ("Diary Pages")
, in
Magazin Istoric
- Adrian Majuru,
Romanians and Hungarians. Legislation, everyday life and stereotypes in interwar Transilvania
, at the
Babe?-Bolyai University
site
- (in Romanian)
Petre Otu,
Ianuarie-august 1940. Gheorghe Br?tianu - supravegheat" ("January-August 1940. Gheorghe Br?tianu - Under Surveillance")
, in
Magazin Istoric
- (in Romanian)
Alexandra Petrescu,
"Femeile ?i politica autoritar?" ("Women and Authoritarian Politics")
, in
Sfera Politicii
, nr.120-212-122
- T. A. Pokivailova, "
1939-1940. Cominternul ?i Partidul Comunist din Romania
" (1939-1940. The Comintern and the Communist Party of Romania"), in
Magazin Istoric
, March 1997
- (in Romanian)
Ioan Scurtu, Theodora St?nescu-Stanciu, Georgiana Margareta Scurtu,
Istoria romanilor intre anii 1918-1940: VIII. Via?a politic? in perioada februarie 1938-septembrie 1940
("The History of the Romanians in 1918-1940: IV. Political Life in the February 1938-September 1940 Period"
:
- (in Romanian)
Flavius C?t?lin Siiulescu,
"Un memoriu al polonezilor bucovineni din 1920" ("A 1920 Memoir of Bukovinian Poles")
, in
Observator Cultural
- (in Romanian)
Petre ?urlea
[
ro
]
,
"Vod? da, Iorga ba" ("Yes Says the Ruler, No Says Iorga")
, in
Magazin Istoric
, February 2001
- Francisco Veiga
,
Istoria G?rzii de Fier, 1919-1941: Mistica ultrana?ionalismului
("History of the Iron Guard, 1919-1941: The Mystique of Ultra-Nationalism"), Bucharest,
Humanitas
, 1993 (Romanian-language version of the 1989 Spanish edition
La mistica del ultranacionalismo (Historia de la Guardia de Hierro) Rumania, 1919?1941
, Bellaterra, Publicacions de la
Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona
,
ISBN
84-7488-497-7
)
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