Prescriptive rules of grammar and usage
Linguistic prescription
, also called
prescriptivism
or
prescriptive grammar
, is the establishment of rules defining preferred
usage
of
language
.
[1]
[2]
These rules may address such linguistic aspects as
spelling
,
pronunciation
,
vocabulary
,
morphology
,
syntax
, and
semantics
. Sometimes informed by
linguistic purism
,
[3]
such normative practices often propagate the belief that some usages are incorrect, inconsistent, illogical, lack communicative effect, or are of low aesthetic value, even in cases where such usage is more common than the prescribed usage.
[4]
[5]
They may also include judgments on
socially proper
and
politically correct
language use.
[6]
Linguistic prescriptivism may aim to establish a
standard language
, teach what a particular society or sector of a society perceives as a correct or proper form, or advise on effective and stylistically apt communication. If usage preferences are conservative, prescription might appear resistant to
language change
; if radical, it may produce
neologisms
.
[7]
Prescriptive approaches to language are often contrasted with the
descriptive approach
, employed in
academic linguistics
, which observes and records how language is actually used without any judgment.
[8]
[9]
The basis of linguistic research is text (
corpus
) analysis and field study, both of which are descriptive activities. Description may also include researchers' observations of their own language usage. In the Eastern European linguistic tradition, the discipline dealing with standard language cultivation and prescription is known as "language culture" or "speech culture".
[10]
[11]
Despite being apparent opposites, prescriptive and descriptive approaches have a certain degree of conceptual overlap
[12]
as comprehensive descriptive accounts must take into account and record existing speaker preferences, and a prior understanding of how language is actually used is necessary for prescription to be effective. Since the mid-20th century some
dictionaries
and
style guides
, which are prescriptive works by nature, have increasingly integrated descriptive material and approaches. Examples of guides updated to add more descriptive material include
Webster's Third New International Dictionary
(1961) and the third edition
Garner's Modern English Usage
(2009) in English, or the
Nouveau Petit Robert
(1993)
[13]
in French. A partially descriptive approach can be especially useful when approaching topics of ongoing conflict between authorities, or in different
dialects
, disciplines,
styles
, or
registers
. Other guides, such as
The Chicago Manual of Style
, are designed to impose a single style and thus remain primarily prescriptive (as of 2017
[update]
).
Some authors define "prescriptivism" as the concept where a certain language variety is promoted as linguistically superior to others, thus recognizing the
standard language ideology
as a constitutive element of prescriptivism or even identifying prescriptivism with this system of views.
[14]
[15]
Others, however, use this term in relation to any attempts to recommend or mandate a particular way of language usage (in a specific
context
or
register
), without, however, implying that these practices must involve propagating the standard language ideology.
[16]
[17]
According to another understanding, the prescriptive attitude is an approach to norm-formulating and
codification
that involves imposing arbitrary rulings upon a
speech community
,
[18]
as opposed to more liberal approaches that draw heavily from descriptive surveys;
[19]
[20]
in a wider sense, however, the latter also constitute a form of prescriptivism.
[10]
Mate Kapovi?
makes a distinction between "prescription" and "prescriptivism", defining the former as "a process of codification of a certain variety of language for some sort of official use", and the latter as "an unscientific tendency to mystify linguistic prescription".
[21]
Aims
[
edit
]
Linguistic prescription is a part of a language standardization process.
[22]
The chief aim of linguistic prescription is to specify socially preferred language forms (either generally, as in
Standard English
, or in
style
and
register
) in a way that is easily taught and learned.
[23]
Prescription may apply to most aspects of language, including spelling, pronunciation, vocabulary, morphology, syntax, and semantics.
Prescription is useful for facilitating inter-regional communication, allowing speakers of divergent
dialects
to understand a
standardized idiom
used in
broadcasting
, for example, more readily than each other's dialects.
[
citation needed
]
While such a
lingua franca
may evolve by itself, the tendency to formally
codify
and normalize it is widespread in most parts of the world.
[
citation needed
]
Foreign language instruction is also considered a form of prescription, since it involves instructing learners how to speak, based on usage documentation laid down by others.
[24]
Linguistic prescription may also be used to advance a social or political ideology. Throughout history, prescription has been created around high-class language, and therefore it degeneralizes lower-class language. This has led to many justifications of
classism
, as the lower-class can easily be portrayed to be incoherent and improper if they do not speak the standard language. This also corresponds to the use of prescription for
racism
, as dialects spoken by what is seen as the superior race are usually standardized in countries with prominent racism. A good example of this is the demeaning of
AAVE
in the
United States
, as the idea that the "lower race" speaks improperly is propagated by people with an opposing ideology.
[25]
Later, during the second half of the 20th century, efforts driven by various
advocacy groups
had considerable influence on language use under the broad banner of "
political correctness
", to promote special rules for
anti-sexist
,
anti-racist
, or generically anti-
discriminatory
language (e.g. "
people-first language
" as advocated by disability rights organizations).
[
citation needed
]
Authority
[
edit
]
Prescription presupposes authorities whose judgments may come to be followed by many other speakers and writers. For English, these authorities tend to be books.
H. W. Fowler
's
Modern English Usage
was widely taken as an authority for
British English
for much of the 20th century;
[26]
Strunk
and
White
's
The Elements of Style
has done similarly for
American English
.
[
citation needed
]
The
Duden
grammar (first edition 1880) has a similar status for German.
Although
lexicographers
often see their work as purely descriptive, dictionaries are widely regarded as prescriptive authorities.
[27]
Books such as
Lynne Truss
's
Eats, Shoots & Leaves
(2003), which argues for stricter adherence to prescriptive
punctuation
rules, also seek to exert an influence.
Formal regulation
[
edit
]
Linguistic prescription is imposed by regulation in some places. The
French Academy
in Paris is the national body in
France
whose recommendations about the
French language
are often followed in the
French-speaking world (francophonie)
, though not legally enforceable. In
Germany
and the
Netherlands
, recent spelling and punctuation reforms, such as
the German orthographic reform of 1996
, were devised by teams of linguists commissioned by the respective governments and then implemented by statutes, some met with widespread dissent.
Examples of national prescriptive bodies and initiatives are:
- Afrikaans
: The
Taalkommissie
(Language Commission) is responsible for the compilation of the
Afrikaanse Woordelys en Spelreels
(Afrikaans Word-list and Spelling Rules), an
orthography
of formal, standardized Afrikaans.
- Albanian
: The Social Sciences and Albanological Section of the
Academy of Sciences of Albania
for the
Tosk
variety of the
Albanian
standard language.
- Canadian French
: The
Office quebecois de la langue francaise
in the Canadian province of
Quebec
, where French is perceived to be particularly threatened by the incursion of English.
- Dutch
: In the Netherlands and the Flanders region of Belgium, standardized spelling norms are compulsory for government publications and in education (see
Wordlist of the Dutch language
). The Flemish press and other media also adhere to these rules. In the Netherlands, however, some media apply a slightly adapted spelling, as outlined in the
White Booklet
.
- French
: The recommendations of the
Academie francaise
, a national body, are legally unenforceable, but they are often followed by
standard French
speakers.
- German
: The
German orthography reform of 1996
established statutory national normative spelling usages for each of the German-speaking countries (Germany, Austria, Liechtenstein, Switzerland, and Belgium). It has, however, been comprehensively disregarded by many people; in relevance, it became so controversial in the federal state of
Schleswig-Holstein
that in a
plebiscite
held there in 1998 56.4% of voters opposed its implementation. Notwithstanding, the Schleswig-Holstein parliament reversed the referendum outcome in 1999. Many major German newspapers chose to implement the reforms only partially (e.g.
Axel Springer AG
,
Der Spiegel
) or to reject it entirely, ending a period when combined German spelling, although officially only necessary in government and educational use, was the widespread
de facto
standard.
- Italian
: The
Academy of the Bran (Accademia della Crusca)
, the Italian language academic body.
- Polish
: The
Polish Language Council
for standard
Polish
, which aims to popularize Polish language knowledge, issue prescriptions for standard usage (
Polish
:
poprawna polszczyzna
, lit. "correct Polish") and formulate normative orthography.
[28]
The Polish prescriptive policy recognizes two normative subvarieties of standard Polish: the "model/official norm" (
Polish
:
norma wzorcowa
) and the "colloquial/vernacular norm" (
Polish
:
norma u?ytkowa
), with the former being a highly traditionalistic idiom for written language and public usage, and the latter being a more liberal idiom for private contexts that is more permissive for loanwords and deviations from "traditional" usage.
[29]
[30]
According to the Polish language ideology, the latter is also considered to include regional usages.
[31]
- Portuguese
: The
Portuguese Language Orthographic Agreement of 1990
sets a standard orthography for the language, it has been made into law in both Brazil (2009) and Portugal (2008).
- Romanian
: The
Romanian Academy
for standard
Romanian
, whose interpretations and instructions are approved by the Romanian state and other substances where Romanian is authoritatively recognized (e.g. the
European Union
and
Vojvodina
). In the
Moldovan Republic
, the only country besides Romania where Romanian is the state language, it is officially called "
Moldovan
" and is monitored by the Institute of Linguistics of
Academy of Sciences of Moldova
.
- Russian
: The
Union of Soviet Writers
policed the
Russian language
with linguistic prescription to establish a
standardized Russian language
during the
era of the Soviet Union
.
- Spanish
: The
Real Academia Espanola
in affiliation with the
Association of Spanish Language Academies
for standard
Spanish
in 21 countries.
- Turkish
: The
Turkish Language Association
, founded in 1932
[32]
by
Ataturk
, regulates the Turkish language.
Style manuals
[
edit
]
Other kinds of authorities exist in specific settings, most commonly in the form of style guidebooks (also called style guides, manuals of style, style books, or style sheets). Style guides vary in form, and may be alphabetical usage dictionaries, comprehensive manuals divided into numerous subsection by the facet of language, or very compact works insistent upon only a few matters of particular importance to the publisher. Some aim to be comprehensive only for a specific field, deferring to more general-audience guides on matters that are not particular to the discipline in question. There are different types of style guides, by purpose and audience. Because the genres of writing and the audiences of each manual are different, style manuals often conflict with each other, even within the same
vernacular
of English.
Many publishers have established an internal
house style
specifying preferred spellings and grammatical forms, such as
serial commas
, how to write
acronyms
, and various awkward expressions to avoid. Most of these are internal documentation for the publisher's staff, though various newspapers, universities, and other organizations have made theirs available for public inspection, and sometimes even sell them as books, e.g.
The New York Times Manual of Style and Usage
and
The Economist
Style Guide
.
In a few cases, an entire publishing sector complies with a publication that originated as a house style manual, such as
The Chicago Manual of Style
and
New Hart's Rules
in non-fiction book publishing in the United States and the United Kingdom, respectively, and
The Associated Press Stylebook
in American
news style
. Others are by self-appointed advocates whose rules are propagated in the popular press, as in "
proper Cantonese pronunciation
". The aforementioned Fowler, and Strunk & White, were among the self-appointed, as are some modern authors of style works, like
Bryan A. Garner
and his
Modern English Usage
(formerly
Modern American Usage
).
Various style guides are used for academic papers and professional journals and have become
de facto
standards in particular fields, though the bulk of their material pertains to formatting of source citations (in mutually conflicting ways). Some examples are those issued by the
American Medical Association
, the
Modern Language Association
, and the
Modern Humanities Research Association
; there are many others.
Scientific Style and Format
, by the Council of Science Editors, seeks to normalize style in scientific journal publishing, based where possible on standards issued by bodies like the
International Standards Organization
.
None of these works have any sort of legal or regulatory authority (though some governments produce their own house style books for internal use). They still have authority in the sense that a student may be marked down for failure to follow a specified style manual; a professional publisher may enforce compliance; a publication may require its employees to use house style as a matter of on-the-job competence. A well-respected style guide, and usually one intended for a general audience, may also have the kind of authority that a dictionary does consult as a reference work to satisfy personal curiosity or settle an argument.
Origins
[
edit
]
Historically, linguistic prescriptivism originates in a standard language when a society establishes
social stratification
and a socio-economic
hierarchy
. The spoken and written language usages of the
authorities
(state, military, church) is preserved as the standard language. Departures from this standard language may jeopardize social success (see
social class
). Sometimes,
archaisms
and
honorific
stylizations may be deliberately introduced or preserved to distinguish the prestige form of the language from contemporary
colloquial language
. Likewise, the
style
of language used in
ritual
also differs from everyday speech.
[33]
Special
ceremonial languages
known only to a select few spiritual leaders are found throughout the world;
Liturgical Latin
has served a similar function for centuries.
When a culture develops a writing system,
orthographic
rules for the consistent transcription of culturally important transactions (laws, scriptures, contracts, poetry, etc.) allow a large number of discussants to understand written conversations easily, and across multiple generations.
Early historical trends in literacy and alphabetization were closely tied to the influence of various religious institutions.
Western Christianity
propagated the
Latin alphabet
.
Eastern Orthodoxy
spread the
Greek
and
Cyrillic
alphabets.
Judaism
used the
Hebrew alphabet
, and
Islam
the
Arabic script
.
Hinduism
used the
Devanagari script
.
[34]
In certain traditions, strict adherence to prescribed spellings and pronunciations was and remains of great spiritual importance. Islamic naming conventions and greetings are notable examples of the linguistic prescription being a prerequisite to spiritual righteousness. Another commonly cited example of prescriptive language usage closely associated with social propriety is the system of
Japanese honorific speech
.
Most, if not all, widely spoken languages demonstrate some degree of social codification in how they conform to prescriptive rules.
Linguistic prestige
is a central research topic within
sociolinguistics
. Notions of linguistic prestige apply to different dialects of the same language and also to separate, distinct languages in multilingual regions. Prestige level disparity often leads to
diglossia
: speakers in certain social contexts consciously choose a prestige language or dialect over a less prestigious one, even if it is their native tongue.
Government
bureaucracy
tends toward prescriptivism as a means of enforcing functional continuity. Such prescriptivism dates from
ancient Egypt
, where bureaucrats preserved the spelling of the
Middle Kingdom of Egypt
into the
Ptolemaic period
through the standard usage of
Egyptian hieroglyphics
.
[35]
Sources
[
edit
]
From the earliest attempts at prescription in classical times grammarians have based their norms on observed prestige use of language. Modern prescriptivist textbooks
[
which?
]
draw heavily on descriptive linguistic analysis.
The prescription may privilege some existing forms over others for the sake of maximizing clarity and precision in language use. Others are subjective judgments of what constitutes good taste. Some reflect the promotion of one class or region within a language community over another, which can become politically controversial.
Prescription can also reflect ethical considerations, as in prohibiting
swear words
. Words referring to elements of sexuality or toilet hygiene may be regarded as obscene. Blasphemies against religion may be forbidden. In the 21st century,
political correctness
objects to the use of words perceived as offensive.
Some elements of prescription in English are sometimes thought
[
by whom?
]
to have been based on the norms of
Latin grammar
.
Robert Lowth
is frequently cited
[
by whom?
]
[
citation needed
]
as having done so,
[
clarification needed
]
but he specifically objected to "forcing the English under the rules of a foreign Language".
[37]
Criticisms
[
edit
]
Prescriptivism is often subject to criticism. Many linguists, such as
Geoffrey Pullum
and other posters to
Language Log
, are highly skeptical of the quality of advice given in many usage guides, including highly regarded books like Strunk and White's
The Elements of Style
.
[38]
In particular, linguists point out that popular books on English usage written by journalists or novelists (e.g.
Simon Heffer
's
Strictly English: The Correct Way to Write ... and Why It Matters
) often make basic errors in linguistic analysis.
[39]
[40]
A frequent criticism is that prescription has a tendency to favor the language of one particular area or social class over others, and thus militates against linguistic diversity.
[41]
Frequently, a standard dialect is associated with the
upper class
, for example the
United Kingdom
's
Received Pronunciation
(RP). RP has now lost much of its status as the Anglophone standard, and other standards are now alternative systems for
English as a foreign language
. Although these have a more democratic base, they still exclude the vast majority of the English-speaking world: speakers of
Scottish English
,
Hiberno-English
,
Appalachian English
,
Australian English
,
Indian English
,
Nigerian English
or
African-American English
may feel the standard is arbitrarily selected or slanted against them.
[42]
[43]
Therefore, prescription has political consequences; indeed, it can be?and has been?used consciously as a political tool.
[
citation needed
]
A second issue with prescriptivism is that it tends to explicitly devalue
non-standard dialects
. It has been argued that prescription, apart from formulating
standard language
norms, often attempts to influence speakers to apply the proposed linguistic devices invariably, without considering the existence of different
varieties
and
registers
of language. While some linguists approve the practical role of language standardization in modern nation states,
[15]
[44]
certain models of
prescriptive codification
have been criticized for going far beyond mere norm-setting, i.e. by promoting the sanctioned language variety as the only legitimate means of communication and presenting it as the only valid baseline of correctness, while stigmatizing non-standard usages as "
mistakes
".
[45]
[46]
[15]
Such practices have been said to contribute to perpetuating the belief that non-codified forms of language are innately inferior, creating social stigma and discrimination toward their speakers.
[47]
[48]
In contrast, modern linguists would generally hold that all forms of language, including both vernacular dialects and different realizations of a standardized variety, are scientifically equal as instruments of communication, even if deemed socially inappropriate for certain situational contexts.
[49]
[50]
Resulting in
standard language ideology
, normative practices might also give rise to the conviction that explicit formal instruction is an essential prerequisite for acquiring proper command of one's native language, thus creating a massive feeling of
linguistic insecurity
.
[51]
Propagating such
language attitudes
is characteristic of the prescriptivists in
Eastern Europe
, where normativist ideas of correctness can be found even among professional linguists.
[51]
[52]
[53]
Another serious issue with prescription is that prescriptive rules quickly become entrenched and it is difficult to change them when the language changes. Thus, there is a tendency for prescription to lag behind the
vernacular language
. In 1834, an anonymous writer advised against the
split infinitive
, reasoning that the construction was not a frequent feature of English as he knew it. Today the construction is in
everyday use
and generally considered standard usage, yet the old prohibition can still be heard.
[54]
A further problem is a challenge of specifying understandable criteria. Although prescribing authorizations may have clear ideas about why they make a particular choice, and their choices are seldom entirely arbitrary, there exists no linguistically sustainable metric for ascertaining which forms of language should be considered standard or otherwise preferable. Judgments that seek to resolve ambiguity or increase the ability of the language to make subtle distinctions are easier to defend. Judgments based on the subjective associations of a word are more problematic.
[
citation needed
]
Finally, there is the problem of inappropriate dogmatism. Although competent authorities tend to make careful statements, popular pronouncements on language are apt to condemn. Thus, wise prescriptive advice identifying a form as colloquial or non-standard and suggesting that it be used with caution in some contexts may ? when taken up in the classroom ? become converted into a ruling that the dispreferred form is automatically unacceptable in all circumstances, a view academic linguists reject.
[55]
[56]
(Linguists may accept that a construction is ungrammatical or incorrect in relation to a certain lect if it does not conform to its inherent rules, but they would not consider it absolutely wrong simply because it diverges from the norms of a prestige variety.)
[44]
A classic example from 18th-century England is Robert Lowth's tentative suggestion that
preposition stranding
in
relative clauses
sounds colloquial. This blossomed into a grammatical rule that a sentence should never end with a preposition.
[
citation needed
]
For these reasons, some writers argue that linguistic prescription is foolish or futile.
Samuel Johnson
commented on the tendency of some prescription to resist language change:
When we see men grow old and die at a certain time one after another, from century to century, we laugh at the elixir that promises to prolong life to a thousand years; and with equal justice may the
lexicographer
be derided, who is able to produce no example of a nation that has preserved their words and phrases from mutability, shall imagine that his dictionary can embalm his language, and secure it from corruption and decay, that it is in his power to change sublunary nature, and clear the world at once from folly, vanity, and affectation.
With this hope, however,
academies
have been instituted, to guard the avenues of their languages, to retain fugitives, and repulse intruders; but their vigilance and activity have hitherto been vain; sounds remain too volatile and subtle for legal restraints; to enchain syllables, and to lash the wind, are equally the undertakings of pride, unwilling to measure its desires by its strength. The French language has visibly changed under the inspection of the
academy
; the stile of
Amelot
's translation of
Father Paul
is witnessed, by
Pierre Francois le Courayer
to be
un peu passe
; and no Italian will maintain that the diction of any modern writer is not perceptibly different from that of
Boccace
,
Machiavel
, or
Caro
.
See also
[
edit
]
Examples of prescriptivist topics
[
edit
]
Citations
[
edit
]
- ^
Crystal, David (2008).
A Dictionary of Linguistics and Phonetics
(6th ed.). Blackwell. p.
384
.
ISBN
978-1-4051-5296-9
.
- ^
Matthews, Peter Hugoe (2007).
The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Linguistics
. p. 316.
ISBN
978-0-19-920272-0
.
- ^
Janicki, Karol (2006)
Language misconceived: arguing for applied cognitive sociolinguistics
p.155
- ^
John Edwards (2009)
Language and Identity: An introduction
p.259
- ^
Walsh, Olivia (2016).
Linguistic Purism: Language Attitudes in France and Quebec
. John Benjamins Publishing Company. pp. 8?9.
ISBN
978-90-272-6673-6
.
- ^
Jeffrey Reaser; Carolyn Temple Adger; Walt Wolfram; Donna Christian (2017).
Dialects at School: Educating Linguistically Diverse Students
. Taylor & Francis. p. 117.
ISBN
978-1-317-67898-4
.
- ^
"What is Purism in Language?"
.
- ^
McArthur (1992)
, p. 286 entry for "Descriptivism and prescriptivism" quotation: "Contrasting terms in linguistics."
- ^
Moch. Syarif Hidayatullah (2017).
Cakrawala Linguistik Arab (Edisi Revisi)
(in Indonesian). Gramedia Widiasarana Indonesia. pp. 5?6, 18.
ISBN
978-602-452-369-5
.
- ^
a
b
Markowski, Andrzej.
"J?zykoznawstwo normatywne dzi? i jutro: stan, zadania, szanse, zagro?enia"
.
Konferencje i dyskusje naukowe
(in Polish).
Polish Language Council
. Retrieved
2019-02-22
.
- ^
"Speech Culture"
.
The Great Soviet Encyclopedia
(3rd ed.). 1970?1979.
- ^
Cameron, Deborah (2012).
Verbal Hygiene
. Routledge Linguistics Classics.
ISBN
978-0415696005
.
- ^
(
Heinz 2003
)
- ^
Annabelle Mooney; Betsy Evans (2018).
Language, Society and Power: An Introduction
. Routledge.
ISBN
978-0-429-82339-8
.
- ^
a
b
c
Kapovi?, Mate (2013).
"Jezik i konzervativizam"
. In Vukovi?, Tvrtko; Kolanovi?, Ma?a (eds.).
Komparativni postsocijalizam: slavenska iskustva
(in Serbo-Croatian). Zagreba?ka slavisti?ka ?kola. pp. 391?400
. Retrieved
9 November
2018
.
- ^
Kliffer, Michael D.
"Quality of language": The changing face of Quebec prescriptivism
(PDF)
. McMaster University. p. 1. Archived from
the original
(PDF)
on 2020-01-08
. Retrieved
2018-11-09
.
- ^
McIntyre, John (1 September 2011).
"Prescription for prescriptivists"
. Baltimore Sun. Archived from
the original
on 6 January 2020
. Retrieved
6 November
2018
.
- ^
Kordi?, Snje?ana
(2006).
"Sprache und Nationalismus in Kroatien"
[Language and Nationalism in Croatia]
(PDF)
. In Symanzik, Bernhard (ed.).
Studia Philologica Slavica: Festschrift fur Gerhard Birkfellner zum 65. Geburtstag gewidmet von Freunden, Kollegen und Schulern: Teilband I
. Munstersche Texte zur Slavistik, vol. 4 (in German). Berlin: Lit. pp. 339?347.
ISBN
3-8258-9891-1
.
OCLC
315818880
.
SSRN
3438896
.
CROSBI 426593
.
Archived
(PDF)
from the original on 1 June 2012
. Retrieved
4 January
2013
.
- ^
Jezierska, Beata (2016).
Frazeologizmy w polskich przekładach wspołczesnej prozy francuskiej (na wybranych przykładach)
(in Polish). Pozna?: Wydział Filologii Polskiej i Klasycznej: Instytut Filologii Polskiej. pp. 97?99.
hdl
:
10593/14690
.
- ^
Kordi?, Snje?ana
(2018) [1st pub. 2010].
Jezik i nacionalizam
[
Language and Nationalism
]
(PDF)
. Rotulus Universitas (in Serbo-Croatian). Zagreb: Durieux. pp. 57?68.
doi
:
10.2139/ssrn.3467646
.
ISBN
978-953-188-311-5
.
LCCN
2011520778
.
OCLC
729837512
.
OL
15270636W
.
S2CID
220918333
.
CROSBI 475567
.
Archived
(PDF)
from the original on 3 March 2016
. Retrieved
6 April
2022
.
- ^
Kapovi?, Mate (April 2014).
"Ideology in Grammar"
(PDF)
.
Paris-Lodron-Universitat Salzburg
: 8. Archived from
the original
(PDF)
on 14 December 2023
. Retrieved
14 December
2023
.
- ^
Carol Percy; Ingrid Tieken-Boon van Ostade (2016).
Prescription and Tradition: Establishing Standards across Time and Space
. Multilingual Matters. Multilingual Matters. p. 3.
ISBN
978-1-78309-652-7
.
- ^
McArthur (1992)
, pp. 979, 982?983
- ^
Jeanette Sakel (2015).
Study Skills for Linguistics
. Understanding Language. Routledge. p. 34.
ISBN
978-1-317-53009-1
.
- ^
Dylan Clairmont.
"The Role of Linguists in Social Movements: What Role Does Language Truly Play?"
(PDF)
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Sources
[
edit
]
Further reading
[
edit
]
- Simon Blackburn, 1996 [1994], "descriptive meaning",
Oxford Dictionary of Philosophy
, pp. 101?102 for possible difficulty of separating the descriptive and evaluative
External links
[
edit
]