Nationalism based on Hindu religion
This article is about various Hindu nationalist mobilisations in the last two centuries. For present day Hindu nationalism, see
Hindutva
.
Hindu nationalism
has been collectively referred to as the expression of social and political thought, based on the native spiritual and cultural traditions of the
Indian subcontinent
. "Hindu nationalism" is a simplistic translation of
?????? ??????????
(
Hind? R???rav?d
). It is better described as "Hindu polity".
[1]
The native thought streams became highly relevant in Indian history when they helped form a distinctive identity in relation to the Indian polity
[2]
and provided a basis for questioning colonialism.
[3]
[
page needed
]
These also provided inspiration to
Indian nationalists
during the
independence movement
based on armed struggle,
[4]
[
page needed
]
coercive politics,
[5]
and non-violent protests.
[6]
[
page needed
]
They also influenced social reform movements and economic thinking in India.
[5]
[
page needed
]
Today,
Hindutva
(meaning?"Hinduness") is a dominant form of Hindu
nationalist
politics in India. As a political ideology, the term Hindutva was articulated by
Vinayak Damodar Savarkar
in 1923.
[7]
The Hindutva movement has been described as a variant of "right-wing extremism"
[8]
and as "almost
fascist
in the classical sense", adhering to a concept of homogenised majority and
cultural hegemony
.
[9]
Some analysts dispute the "fascist" label, and suggest Hindutva is an extreme form of "
conservatism
" or "ethnic absolutism".
[10]
Some have also described Hindutva as a
separatist ideology
.
[11]
[12]
Hindutva is championed by the
Bharatiya Janata Party
(BJP), the Hindu Nationalist volunteer organisation
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh
(RSS),
Sanatan Sanstha
,
[7]
the
Vishva Hindu Parishad
(VHP), and other organisations in an ecosystem called the
Sangh Parivar
.
[13]
Evolution of ideological terminology and influences
[
edit
]
In the first half of the 20th century, factions of
Indian National Congress
continued to be identified with "Hindu politics" and ideas of a Hindu nation.
[14]
[
page needed
]
The word "Hindu", throughout history, had been used as an inclusive description that lacked a definition and was used to refer to the native traditions and people of India. It was only in the late 18th century that the word "Hindu" came to be used extensively with religious connotation, while still being used as a
synecdoche
describing the indigenous traditions. Hindu nationalist ideologies and political languages were very diverse both linguistically and socially. Since Hinduism does not represent an identifiable religious group, the terms such as 'Hindu nationalism', 'Hindu', are considered problematic in the case of religious and nationalism discourse. As Hindus were identifiable as a homogeneous community, some individual Congress leaders were able to induce a symbolism with "Hindu" meaning inside the general stance of a
secular nationalism
.
[14]
[15]
The diversity of Indian cultural groups and moderate positions of Hindu nationalism have sometimes made it regarded as
cultural nationalism
than a religious one.
[16]
Historian
Baij Nath Puri
writes that
Vijayanagar empire
(1336?1646) "was the result of the Hindu nationalist movement against Muslim intrusion and domination of the south".
[17]
The empire also administered on the basis of Hindu
dharmasastras
, and
Vedas
were the major sources of the prevailing law.
[18]
Shivaji
with his quests is noted to have founded a firm footing for Hindu nationalism in with the foundation of
Maratha Empire
.
[19]
[20]
Shivaji was also an inspiration for Hindu nationalist activists such as
Bal Gangadhar Tilak
.
[21]
Vinayak Damodar Savarkar
writes that Shivaji had 'electrified' minds of Hindus all over Bharat by defeating the forces of
Aurangzeb
.
[22]
Nepali Hindu nationalism and practices
[
edit
]
Hinduization policy of the Gorkhali monarch
[
edit
]
Maharajadhiraja
Prithvi Narayan Shah
proclaimed the newly unified
Kingdom of Nepal
as
Asal
Hindustan
("Real Land of Hindus") due to the fact that North India was ruled by the
Islamic
Mughal rulers
. The proclamation was made to enforce the Hindu social code
Dharma??stra
over his reign and refer to his country as being inhabitable for
Hindus
. He also referred to the rest of Northern India as
Mughlan
(Country of
Mughals
) and called the region infiltrated by Muslim foreigners.
[23]
After the
Gorkhali
conquest of the
Kathmandu valley
, King Prithvi Narayan Shah expelled Christian
Capuchin
missionaries from
Patan
and renamed Nepal as
Asali
Hindustan
(real land of
Hindus
).
[24]
[
full citation needed
]
The
Tagadharis
enjoyed a privileged status in the Nepalese capital and they were also given greater access to the authorities after these events.
Subsequently, Hinduisation became the main policy of the
Kingdom of Nepal
.
[24]
[
full citation needed
]
Prof.
Harka Gurung
speculates that the presence of Islamic
Mughal rule
and Christian
British rule in India
compelled the foundation of Hindu Nationalism in the
Kingdom of Nepal
, to build a haven for Hindus there.
[24]
[
full citation needed
]
Ideals of the Bharadari government
[
edit
]
The policies of the old Bharadari governments of the Gorkha Kingdom were derived from ancient
Hindu
texts such as the
Dharmashastra
The King was considered an incarnation of Lord
Vishnu
and was the chief authority over legislative, judiciary and executive functions.
The judiciary functions were decided based on the principles of Hindu Dharma codes of conduct.
The king had full rights to expel any person who offended the country and also to pardon the offenders and grant their return to the country.
The government in practicality was not an
absolute monarchy
due to the dominance of
Nepalese political clans
such as the
Pande family
and the
Thapa family
, making the
Shah monarch
a puppet ruler.
These basic Hindu templates provide the evidence that Nepal was administered as a
Hindu
state.
Hindu civil code and legal regulations
[
edit
]
The Nepali
civil code
,
Muluki Ain
, was commissioned by
Jung Bahadur Rana
after his European tour and enacted in 1854. It was rooted in traditional
Hindu Law
and codified social practices for several centuries in Nepal.
[28]
The law also comprised
Pr?ya?citta
(avoidance and removal of sin) and
?c?ra
(the customary law of different communities). It was an attempt to include the entire Hindu as well as the non-Hindu population of Nepal of that time into a single hierarchic civic code from the perspective of the
Khas
rulers.
[29]
[30]
The Nepalese
jati
arrangement in terms of
Hindu
Varnashrama takes the Tagadhari to be the highest in the hierarchy.
[31]
The ethnolinguistic group of people of
Tamang
,
Sherpa
and
Tharu
origin were tagged under the title
Matwali
("Liquor Drinkers"), while those of
Khas
,
Newari
and
Terai
origin were termed
Tagadhari
("Wearers of the Sacred Thread").
[31]
The Tagadhari castes could not be enslaved following any criminal punishment unless they had been expelled from the caste.
The main broad caste categories in Nepal are
Tagadharis
(sacred thread bearers),
Matwalis
(liquor drinkers) and
Dalits
(or untouchables).
Modern age and the Hindu Renaissance in the 19th century
[
edit
]
Many Hindu reform movements originated in the nineteenth century. These movements led to the fresh interpretations of the ancient scriptures of Upanishads and
Vedanta
and also emphasised on social reform.
[5]
The marked feature of these movements was that they countered the notion of the superiority of
Western culture
during the colonial era. This led to the upsurge of patriotic ideas that formed the cultural and an ideological basis for the
independence movement in Colonial India.
[3]
Brahmo Samaj
[
edit
]
The
Brahmo Samaj
was started by a Bengali scholar,
Ram Mohan Roy
in 1828. Ram Mohan Roy endeavoured to create from the ancient
Upanishadic
texts, a vision of rationalist 'modern' India. Socially, he criticized the ongoing superstitions,
[36]
and believed in a monotheistic Vedic religion. His major emphasis was social reform. He fought against
Caste discrimination
and advocated
equal rights for women
.
[37]
Although the Brahmos found favourable response from the
British government
and Westernized Indians, they were largely isolated from the larger Hindu society due to their intellectual Vedantic and Unitarian views. But their efforts to systematise Hindu spirituality based on rational and logical interpretation of the ancient Indian texts would be carried forward by other movements in Bengal and across India.
[3]
Arya Samaj
[
edit
]
Arya Samaj
is considered one of the overarching Hindu renaissance movements of the late nineteenth century.
Swami Dayananda
, the founder of Arya Samaj, rejected idolatry, caste restriction and untouchability, child marriage and advocated equal status and opportunities for women. He opposed "Brahmanism" (which he believed had led to the corruption of the knowledge of Vedas) as much as he opposed Christianity and Islam.
[5]
Although Arya Samaj was often considered as a social movement, many revolutionaries and political leaders of the
Indian Independence movement
like
Ramprasad Bismil
,
[38]
Bhagat Singh
,
Shyamji Krishnavarma
,
Bhai Paramanand
and
Lala Lajpat Rai
were to be inspired by it.
[39]
Swami Vivekananda
[
edit
]
Another 19th-century Hindu reformer was
Swami Vivekananda
. Vivekananda as a student was educated in contemporary
Western thought
.
[3]
He joined Brahmo Samaj briefly before meeting
Ramakrishna
, who was a priest in the temple of the goddess
Kali
in Calcutta and who was to become his guru.
[3]
Under the influence of
Orientalism
,
Perennialism
and
Universalism
, Vivekananda re-interpreted
Advaita Vedanta
, presenting it as the essence of Hindu spirituality, and the development of human's religiosity.
This project started with
Ram Mohan Roy
of Brahmo Samaj, who collaborated with the
Unitarian Church
, and propagated a strict monotheism.
This reinterpretation produced
neo-Vedanta
, in which Advaita Vedanta was combined with disciplines such as
yoga
and the concept of social service
to attain perfection from the ascetic traditions in what Vivekananda called the "practical Vedanta". The practical side essentially included participation in social reform.
[3]
He made Hindu spirituality, intellectually available to the Westernized audience. His famous speech at the
Parliament of the World's Religions
at Chicago on 11 September 1893, followed huge reception of his thought in the West and made him a well-known figure in the West and subsequently in India too.
[3]
His influence can still be recognised in popular western
spirituality
, such as
nondualism
,
New Age
and the veneration of
Ramana Maharshi
.
A major element of Vivekananda's message was nationalist. He saw his effort very much in terms of a revitalisation of the Hindu nation, which carried Hindu spirituality and which could counter Western materialism. The notions of the superiority of
Western culture
against the
culture of India
, were to be questioned based on Hindu spirituality. It also became a main inspiration for Hindu nationalism today.
[3]
One of the most revered leaders of the
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh
(RSS),
Babasaheb Apte
's lifelong pet sentence was "Vivekananda is like Gita for the RSS." Some historians have observed that this helped the nascent Independence movement with a distinct national identity and kept it from being the simple derivative function of European nationalisms.
[2]
Shaping of Hindu Polity & Nationalism in the 20th century
[
edit
]
Sri Aurobindo
[
edit
]
Sri Aurobindo
was a nationalist and one of the first to embrace the idea of complete political independence for India. He was inspired by the writings of Swami Vivekananda and the novels of
Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay
.
[41]
He "based his claim for freedom for India on the inherent right to freedom, not on any charge of misgovernment or oppression". He believed that the primary requisite for national progress, national reform, is the free habit of free and healthy national thought and action and that it was impossible in a state of servitude.
[42]
He was part of the
Anushilan Samiti
, a revolutionary group working towards the goal of Indian independence
[43]
In his brief political career spanning only four years, he led a delegation from Bengal to the
Indian National Congress
session of 1907
[42]
and contributed to the revolutionary newspaper
Bande Mataram
.
In his famous
Uttarpara Speech
, he outlined the essence and the goal of India's nationalist movement thus:
I say no longer that nationalism is a creed, a religion, a faith; I say that it is the Sanatan Dharma which for us is nationalism. This Hindu nation was born with the Sanatan Dharma, with it, it moves and with it, it grows. When the Sanatan Dharma declines, then the nation declines, and if the Sanatan Dharma were capable of perishing, with the Sanatan Dharma it would perish.
In the same speech, he also gave a comprehensive perspective of Hinduism, which is at variance with the geocentric view developed by the later day Hindu nationalist ideologues such as Veer Savarkar and Deendayal Upadhyay:
But what is the Hindu religion? What is this religion which we call Sanatan, eternal? It is the Hindu religion only because the Hindu nation has kept it, because in this Peninsula it grew up in the seclusion of the sea and the Himalayas, because in this sacred and ancient land it was given as a charge to the Aryan race to preserve through the ages.
But it is not circumscribed by the confines of a single country, it does not belong peculiarly and forever to a bounded part of the world. That which we call the Hindu religion is really the eternal religion, because it is the universal religion which embraces all others. If a religion is not universal, it cannot be eternal. A narrow religion, a sectarian religion, an exclusive religion can live only for a limited time and a limited purpose. This is the one religion that can triumph over materialism by including and anticipating the discoveries of science and the speculations of philosophy.
In 1910, he withdrew from political life and spent his remaining life doing spiritual exercises and writing.
[41]
But his works kept inspiring revolutionaries and struggles for independence, including the famous
Chittagong Uprising
.
[44]
Both Swami Vivekananda and Sri Aurobindo are credited with having founded the basis for a vision of freedom and glory for India in the spirituality and heritage of Hinduism.
Independence movement
[
edit
]
In 1924,
Mahatma Gandhi
wrote:
This [Christian] proselytization will mean no peace in the world. Conversions are harmful to India. If I had the power and could legislate I should certainly stop all proselytizing ... It pains me to have to say that the Christian missionaries as a body, with honorable exceptions, have actively supported a system which has impoverished, enervated and demoralized a people considered to be among the gentlest and most civilized on earth.
[45]
[46]
The influence of the Hindu renaissance movements was such that by the turn of the 20th century, there was a confluence of ideas of the Hindu cultural nationalism with the ideas of
Indian nationalism
.
[5]
Both could be spoken synonymous even by tendencies that were seemingly opposed to sectarian communalism and Hindu majoritism.
[5]
The Hindu renaissance movements held considerable influence over the revolutionary movements against the British rule and formed the philosophical basis for the struggles and political movements that originated in the first decade of the twentieth century.
Revolutionary movements
[
edit
]
Anushilan Samiti and Jugantar
[
edit
]
Anushilan Samiti
was one of the prominent revolutionary movements in India in the early part of the twentieth century. It was started as a cultural society in 1902, by Aurobindo and the followers of Bankim Chandra to propagate the teachings of the
Bhagavad Gita
. But soon the Samiti had its goal to overthrow British colonial rule in India
[4]
Various branches of the Samiti sprung across India in the guise of suburban fitness clubs but secretly imparted arms training to its members with the implicit aim of using them against the British colonial administration.
[47]
On 30 April 1908 at
Muzaffarpur
, two revolutionaries,
Khudiram Bose
and Prafulla Chaki, threw bombs at a British convoy aimed at British officer Kingsford. Both were arrested trying to flee. Aurobindo was also arrested on 2 May 1908 and sent to
Alipore Jail
. The report sent from
Andrew Fraser
, the then Lt Governor of Bengal to Lord Minto in England declared that although Sri Aurobindo came to Calcutta in 1906 as a Professor at the National College, "he has ever since been the principal advisor of the revolutionary party. It is of utmost importance to arrest his potential for mischief, for he is the prime mover and can easily set tools, one to replace another". But charges against Aurobindo were never proved and he was acquitted. Many members of the group faced charges and were transported and imprisoned for life. Others went into hiding.
[48]
In 1910, when, Aurobindo withdrew from political life and decided to live a life of renounciate,
[41]
the
Anushilan Samiti
declined. One of the revolutionaries,
Bagha Jatin
, who managed to escape the trial started a group which would be called
Jugantar
. Jugantar continued with its armed struggle against the colonial government, but the arrests of its key members and subsequent trials weakened its influence. Many of its members were imprisoned for life in the notorious Andaman Cellular jail.
[48]
India House
[
edit
]
A revolutionary movement was started by
Shyamji Krishnavarma
, a Sanskritist and an Arya Samajist, in London, under the name of
India House
in 1905. The brain behind this movement was said to be
V D Savarkar
. Krishnaverma also published a monthly "
Indian Sociologist
", where the idea of an armed struggle against the British colonial government was openly espoused.
[49]
The movement had become well known for its activities in the Indian expatriates in London. When Gandhi visited London in 1909, he shared a platform with the revolutionaries where both the parties politely agreed to disagree, on the question of adopting a violent struggle and whether
Ramayana
justified such violence. Gandhi, while admiring the "patriotism" of the young revolutionaries, had "dissented vociferously" from their "violent blueprints" for social change. In turn, the revolutionaries disliked his adherence to
constitutionalism
and his close contacts with moderate leaders of Indian National Congress. Moreover, they considered his method of "passive resistance" effeminate and humiliating.
[50]
The India House had soon to face closure following the assassination of
William Hutt Curzon Wyllie
by the revolutionary
Madan Lal Dhingra
, who was close to
India House
.
Savarkar
also faced charges and was transported.
Shyamji Krishna Varma
fled to Paris.
[49]
India House gave formative support to ideas that were later formulated by Savarkar in his book named '
Hindutva
'. Hindutva was to gain relevance in the run-up to the Indian Independence and form the core ideology of the political party
Hindu Mahasabha
, of which Savarkar became president in 1937. It also formed the key ideology, under the euphemistic relabelling
Rashtriyatva
(nationalism), for the
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh
founded in 1925,
[51]
and of the
Bharatiya Jana Sangh
(the present-day ruling
Bharatiya Janata Party
) under another euphemistic relabelling
Bharatiyata
(Indianness).
Indian National Congress
[
edit
]
Lal-Bal-Pal
[
edit
]
"
Lal-Bal-Pal
" is the phrase that is used to refer to the three nationalist leaders Lala Lajpat Rai,
Bal Gangadhar Tilak
and
Bipin Chandra Pal
who held the sway over the Indian Nationalist movement and the independence struggle in the early parts of twentieth century.
Lala Lajpat Rai
belonged to the northern province of Punjab. He was influenced greatly by the Arya Samaj and was part of the Hindu reform movement.
[5]
He joined the
Indian National Congress
in 1888 and became a prominent figure in the Indian Independence Movement.
[53]
He started numerous educational institutions. The National College at
Lahore
started by him became the centre for revolutionary ideas and was the college where revolutionaries like
Bhagat Singh
studied.
[54]
While leading a procession against the
Simon Commission
, he was fatally injured in the
lathi charge
. His death led the revolutionaries like
Chandrashekar Azad
and Bhagat Singh to assassinate the British police officer
J. P. Saunders
, who they believed was responsible for the death of Lala Lajpat Rai.
[53]
Bal Gangadhar Tilak
was a nationalist leader from the Central Indian province of Maharashtra. He has been widely acclaimed the "Father of Indian unrest" who used the press and Hindu occasions like
Ganesh Chaturthi
and symbols like the Cow to create unrest against the British administration in India.
[55]
Tilak joined the Indian National Congress in 1890. Under the influence of such leaders, the political discourse of the Congress moved from polite accusation that colonial rule was "un-British" to the forthright claim of Tilak that "Swaraj is my birthright and I will have it".
[56]
Bipin Chandra Pal
of Bengal was another prominent figure of the Indian nationalist movement, who is considered a modern Hindu reformer, who stood for Hindu cultural nationalism and was opposed to sectarian communalism and Hindu majoritism.
[5]
He joined the
Indian National Congress
in 1886 and was also one of the key members of revolutionary
India House
.
[57]
Gandhi and R?mar?jya
[
edit
]
Though
Mahatma Gandhi
never called himself a "Hindu nationalist"; he believed in and propagated concepts like
Dharma
and introduced the concept of "R?ma R?jya" (Rule of
Lord R?ma
) as part of his social and political philosophy.
[58]
Gandhi said "By political independence I do not mean an imitation to the
British House of commons
, or the
soviet rule of Russia
or the
Fascist rule of Italy
or the
Nazi rule of Germany
. They have systems suited to their genius. We must have ours suited to ours. What that can be is more than I can tell. I have described it as Ramarajya i.e., sovereignty of the people based on pure moral authority."
[59]
Gandhi emphasised that "R?ma R?jya" to him meant peace and justice, adding that "the ancient ideal of Ramarajya is undoubtedly one of true democracy in which the meanest citizen could be sure of swift justice without an elaborate and costly procedure".
[60]
He also emphasised that it meant respect for all religions: "My Hinduism teaches me to respect all religions. In this lies the secret of Ramarajya".
[61]
While Gandhi had clarified that "by Ram Rajya I do not mean Hindu Raj. I mean by Ram Rajya, Divine Raj, the kingdom of God," his concept of "Rama Rajya" became a major concept in Hindu nationalism.
[62]
[63]
Madan Mohan Malviya
[
edit
]
Madan Mohan Malviya
, an educationist and a politician with the
Indian National Congress
was also a vociferous proponent of the philosophy of
Bhagavad Gita
(Bhagavad G?t?). He was the president of the
Indian National Congress
in the year 1909 and 1918.
[6]
He was seen as a 'moderate' in the Congress and was also considered very close to Gandhi. He popularized the Sanskrit phrase "
Satyameva Jayate
" (Truth alone triumphs), from the
Mundaka Upanishad
, which today is the national motto of the Republic of India.
[64]
He founded the
Benaras Hindu University
in 1919 and became its first Vice-Chancellor.
[65]
Keshav Baliram Hedgewar
[
edit
]
Another leader of prime importance in the ascent of Hindu nationalism was
Keshav Baliram Hedgewar
of
Nagpur
. Hedgewar as a medical student in Calcutta had been part of the revolutionary activities of the Hindu Mahasabha, Anushilan Samiti and Jugantar.
[67]
He was charged with sedition in 1921 by the British Administration and served a year in prison. He was briefly a member of Indian National Congress.
[67]
In 1925, he left the Congress to form the
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh
(RSS) with the help of Hindu Mahasabha Leader
B. S. Moonje
, Bapuji Soni, Gatate Ji etc., which would become the focal point of Hindu movements in Independent India.
[68]
The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh started by him became one of the most prominent Hindu organisation with its influence ranging in the social and political spheres of India.
In 1930, when Mahatma Gandhi started
Satyagraha
movement against the British Government, Hedgewar participated in the movement in his individual capacity and did not let the RSS join the freedom movement officially.
[69]
The RSS portrayed itself as a social movement rather than a political party, and did not play central role in any of the
Indian independence movement
.
[70]
[71]
However, the RSS emphatically rejected the Congress policy of cooperation with the Muslims.
[70]
Subsequently, in 1934, the Congress banned its members from joining RSS, Hindu Mahasabha or Muslim League.
[71]
After death of Hedgewar in 1940,
M. S. Golwalkar
became head of the organization. RSS continued to avoid participation in anti-British activities, as Golwalkar did not want to give the British colonial administration any excuse to ban the RSS.
[72]
: 60
After the Muslim League passed the
Lahore Resolution
demanding a separate Pakistan, the RSS campaigned for a Hindu nation, but stayed away from the independence struggle. When the British colonial government banned military drills and use of uniforms in non-official organizations, Golwalkar terminated the RSS military department.
[72]
: 60
RSS had played no role in the
Quit India Movement
[73]
and nor the
naval revolt
.
[68]
[74]
Bengali Hindu Homeland Movement
[
edit
]
The
Bengali Hindu Homeland Movement
refers to the movement of the
Bengali Hindu
people for the Partition of Bengal in 1947 to create a homeland for themselves within India, in the wake of
Muslim League
's proposal and campaign to include the entire province of
Bengal
within Pakistan, which was to be a homeland for the
Muslims
of
British India
. The movement began in late 1946, especially after the
Great Calcutta Killing
and
Noakhali genocide
, gained significant momentum in April 1947 and in the end met with success on 20 June 1947 when the legislators from the Hindu majority areas returned their verdict in favour of Partition and the
Bengal Presidency
was divided into
West Bengal
and
East Pakistan
.
Post-independence
[
edit
]
After the
assassination of Mahatma Gandhi
by
Nathuram Godse
, the Sangh Parivar was plunged into distress when the RSS was accused of involvement in his murder. Along with the conspirators and the assassin,
Vinayak Damodar Savarkar
was also arrested. The court acquitted Savarkar, and the RSS was found be to completely unlinked with the conspirators.
[75]
The
Hindu Mahasabha
, of which Godse was a member, lost membership and popularity. The effects of public outrage had a permanent effect on the Hindu Mahasabha.
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh
[
edit
]
The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, which was started in 1925, had grown by the end of British rule in India.
[75]
In January 1948,
Mahatma Gandhi was assassinated
by
Nathuram Godse
, a former member of the RSS.
[76]
[77]
Following the assassination, many prominent leaders of the RSS were arrested, and the RSS as an organisation was banned on 4 February 1948 by the then Home Minister Patel. During the court proceedings in relation to the assassination Godse began claiming that he had left the organisation in 1946.
[78]
The then Indian Deputy Prime Minister and Home Minister, Vallabhbhai Patel had remarked that the "RSS men expressed joy and distributed sweets after Gandhi's death".
The charged RSS leaders were acquitted of the conspiracy charge by the
Supreme Court of India
. Following his release in August 1948, Golwalkar wrote to Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru to lift the ban on RSS. After Nehru replied that the matter was the responsibility of the Home Minister, Golwalkar consulted Vallabhai Patel regarding the same. Patel then demanded an absolute pre-condition that the RSS adopt a formal written constitution
[80]
and make it public, where Patel expected RSS to pledge its loyalty to the
Constitution of India
, accept the Tricolor as the
National Flag
of India, define the power of the head of the organisation, make the organisation democratic by holding internal elections, authorisation of their parents before enrolling the pre-adolescents into the movement, and to renounce violence and secrecy.
[72]
: 28
Golwalkar launched an agitation against this demand during which he was imprisoned again. Later, a constitution was drafted for RSS, which, however, initially did not meet any of Patel's demands. After a failed attempt to agitate again, eventually the RSS's constitution was amended according to Patel's wishes with the exception of the procedure for selecting the head of the organisation and the enrolment of pre-adolescents. However, the organisation's internal democracy which was written into its constitution, remained a 'dead letter'.
On 11 July 1949, the Government of India lifted the ban on the RSS by issuing a communique stating that the decision to lift the ban on the RSS had been taken in view of the RSS leader Golwalkar's undertaking to make the group's loyalty towards the Constitution of India and acceptance and respect towards the National Flag of India more explicit in the Constitution of the RSS, which was to be worked out in a democratic manner.
[84]
[72]
: 60
After the ban was revoked RSS resumed its activities.
[75]
The 1960s saw the volunteers of the RSS join the different social and political movements. Movements that saw a large presence of volunteers included the
Bhoodan
, a land reform movement led by prominent Gandhian
Vinoba Bhave
[85]
and the
Sarvodaya
led by another Gandhian
Jayaprakash Narayan
.
[86]
RSS supported trade union, the
Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh
and political party
Bharatiya Jana Sangh
also grew into considerable prominence by the end of the decade.
Another prominent development was the formation of the
Vishwa Hindu Parishad
(VHP), an organisation of Hindu religious leaders, supported by the RSS, with the aim of uniting the various Hindu religious denominations and to usher social reform. The first VHP meeting at Mumbai was attended among others by all the Shankaracharyas, Jain leaders, Sikh leader Master
Tara Singh Malhotra
, the
Dalai Lama
and contemporary Hindu leaders like
Swami Chinmayananda
. From its initial years, the VHP led a concerted attack on the social evils of untouchability and casteism while launching social welfare programmes in the areas of education and health care, especially for the Scheduled Castes, backward classes, and the tribals.
[87]
The organisations started and supported by the RSS volunteers came to be known collectively as the
Sangh Parivar
. Next few decades saw a steady growth of the influence of the Sangh Parivar in the social and political space of India.
[87]
Ayodhya dispute
[
edit
]
The
Ayodhya dispute
(
Hindi
:
??????? ?????
) is a political, historical and socio-religious debate in
India
, centred on a plot of land in the city of
Ayodhya
, located in
Ayodhya
district,
Uttar Pradesh
. The main issues revolve around access to a site traditionally regarded as the birthplace of the
Hindu
deity
Rama
, the history and location of the
Babri Mosque
at the site, and whether a previous Hindu temple was demolished or modified to create the mosque.
Hindutva and Hindu Rashtra
[
edit
]
Sarkar
[
edit
]
Professor
Benoy Kumar Sarkar
coined the term Hindu Rastra. In his book named
Building of Hindu Rastra
(?????? ????????? ????) presented the idea of structural of Hindu state and directives for the socio-economic and political system of the Hindu state. He is deemed the pioneer ideologue of Hindu Rashtra. Many people identify his philosophy as 'Sarkarism'.
His writings on this subject amounted to nearly 30 000 pages.
[88]
A complete list of his publications is contained in Bandyopadhyay's book
The Political Ideas of Benoy Kumar Sarkar
.
[89]
- 1914/1921
The Positive Background of Hindu Sociology
[90]
- 1916
The beginning of Hindu culture as world-power (A.D. 300-600)
[91]
- 1916
Chinese Religion Through Hindu Eyes
[92]
- 1918
Hindu achievements in exact science a study in the history of scientific development
[93]
In 1919, he authored a study in the
American Political Science Review
presenting a "Hindu
theory of international relations
" which drew on thinkers such as Kautilya, Manu and Shookra, and the text of the Mahabharata.
[94]
[95]
In 1921, he authored a
Political Science Quarterly
study presenting a "Hindu Theory of the State."
[95]
According to Barry Buzan and Amitav Acharya, Sarkar's works "may be the first major IR contributions by an Indian, and one of the first modern efforts to develop an indigenous Non-Western theory of IR."
[95]
Savarkar
[
edit
]
Savarkar was one of the first in the twentieth century to attempt a definitive description of the term "Hindu" in terms of what he called
Hindutva
meaning Hinduness.
[96]
The coinage of the term "Hindutva" was an attempt by Savarkar who was non religious and a rationalist, to de-link it from any religious connotations that had become attached to it. He defined the word Hindu as: "He who considers India as both his Fatherland and Holyland". He thus defined Hindutva ("Hindu-ness") or Hindu as different from Hinduism.
[96]
This definition kept the
Abrahamic religions
(Judaism, Christianity and Islam) outside its ambit and considered only
native religious denominations
as Hindu.
[97]
This distinction was emphasised on the basis of territorial loyalty rather than on religious practices. In this book that was written in the backdrop of the
Khilafat Movement
and the subsequent
Malabar rebellion
, Savarkar wrote "Their [Muslims' and Christians'] holy land is far off in Arabia or Palestine. Their mythology and Godmen, ideas and heroes are not the children of this soil. Consequently, their names and their outlook smack of foreign origin. Their love is divided".
[96]
Savarkar had made it clear that Hindutva is not the same thing as Hinduism and it does not concern religion or rituals but the basis of India’s national character.
[7]
Savarkar, also defined the concept of Hindu Rashtra (
transl.
Hindu Polity
).
[98]
The concept of Hindu Polity called for the protection of Hindu people and their culture and emphasised that political and economic systems should be based on native thought rather than on the concepts borrowed from the West.
Mukherjee
[
edit
]
Mookerjee was the founder of the Nationalist
Bharatiya Jana Sangh
party, the precursor of the
Bharatiya Janata Party
. Mookerjee was firmly against Nehru's invitation to the Pakistani PM, and their joint pact to establish minority commissions and guarantee minority rights in both countries. He wanted to hold Pakistan directly responsible for the terrible influx of millions of Hindu refugees from
East Pakistan
, who had left the state fearing religious suppression and violence aided by the state.
After consultation with Golwalkar of RSS, Mookerjee founded Bharatiya Jana Sangh on 21 October 1951 at Delhi and he became the first President of it. The BJS was ideologically close to the
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh
and widely considered the political arm of
Hindu Nationalism
. It was opposed to appeasement of India's Muslims. The BJS also favored a
uniform civil code
governing personal law matters for both Hindus and Muslims, wanted to ban cow slaughter and end the special status given to the Muslim-majority state of
Jammu and Kashmir
. The BJS founded the
Hindutva
agenda which became the wider political expression of India's Hindu majority.
Mookerjee opposed the
Indian National Congress
's decision to grant
Kashmir
a special status with its own flag and Prime Minister. According to Congress's decision, no one, including the
President of India
could enter into
Kashmir
without the permission of Kashmir's
Prime Minister
. In opposition to this decision, he entered Kashmir on 11 May 1953. Thereafter, he was arrested and jailed in a dilapidated house.
[99]
Syama Prasad had suffered from dry pleurisy and coronary troubles, and was taken to hospital one and a half months after his arrest due to complications arising from the same.
[
citation needed
]
He was administered penicillin despite having informed the doctor-in-charge of his allergy to penicillin, and he died on 23 June 1953. Mookherjee's death later compelled Nehru to remove Permit system, post of
Sadar-e-Riayasat
and of Prime Minister of Jammu & Kashmir.
[100]
Though Mukherjee was not associated with RSS, he is widely revered by members and supporters of the RSS and the
Vishwa Hindu Parishad
.
Golwalkar
[
edit
]
M. S. Golwalkar
, the second head of the
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh
(RSS), was to further this non-religious, territorial loyalty based definition of "Hindu" in his book
Bunch of Thoughts
. Hindutva and Hindu Rashtra would form the basis of Golwalkar's ideology and that of the RSS.
While emphasising on
religious pluralism
, Golwalkar believed that Semitic monotheism and exclusivism were incompatible with and against the native Hindu culture. He wrote:
Those creeds (Islam and Christianity) have but one prophet, one scripture and one God, other than whom there is no path of salvation for the human soul. It requires no great intelligence to see the absurdity of such a proposition.
He added:
As far as the national tradition of this land is concerned, it never considers that with a change in the method of worship, an individual ceases to be the son of the soil and should be treated as an alien. Here, in this land, there can be no objection to God being called by any name whatever. Ingrained in this soil is love and respect for all faiths and religious beliefs. He cannot be a son of this soil at all who is intolerant of other faiths.
[101]
He further would echo the views of Savarkar on territorial loyalty, but with a degree of inclusiveness, when he wrote "So, all that is expected of our Muslim and Christian co-citizens is the shedding of the notions of their being 'religious minorities' as also their foreign mental complexion and merging themselves in the common national stream of this soil."
[101]
After the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi, Golwalkar and Hindu Mahasabha's senior leaders such as Shyama Prasad Mukharji founded a new political party as Jan Sangh,
[102]
many of Hindu Mahasabha members joined Jan Sangh.
Deendayal Upadhyaya
[
edit
]
Deendayal Upadhyaya
, another RSS ideologue, presented the
Integral Humanism
as the political philosophy of the erstwhile Bharatiya Jana Sangh in the form of four lectures delivered in
Bombay
on 22?25 April 1965 as an attempt to offer a third way, rejecting both communism and capitalism as the means for socio-economic emancipation.
Contemporary descriptions
[
edit
]
Later thinkers of the RSS, like H. V. Sheshadri and K. S. Rao, were to emphasise on the non-theocratic nature of the word "Hindu Rashtra", which they believed was often inadequately translated, ill interpreted and wrongly stereotyped as a theocratic state. In a book, H. V. Sheshadri, the senior leader of the RSS writes "As Hindu Rashtra is not a religious concept, it is also not a political concept. It is generally misinterpreted as a theocratic state or a religious Hindu state. Nation (Rashtra) and State (Rajya) are entirely different and should never be mixed up. The state is purely a political concept. The State changes as the political authority shifts from person to person or party to party. But the people in the Nation remain the same.
[103]
They would maintain that the concept of Hindu Rashtra is in complete agreement with the principles of secularism and democracy.
[104]
The concept of "'Hindutva" is continued to be espoused by the organisations like the RSS and political parties like the
Bharatiya Janata Party
(BJP). But the definition does not have the same rigidity with respect to the concept of "holy land" laid down by Savarkar, and stresses on inclusivism and patriotism. BJP leader and the then leader of opposition,
Atal Bihari Vajpayee
, in 1998, articulated the concept of "holy land" in Hindutva as follows: "Mecca can continue to be holy for the Muslims but India should be holier than the holy for them. You can go to a mosque and offer namaz, you can keep the
roza
. We have no problem. But if you have to choose between Mecca or Islam and India you must choose India. All the Muslims should have this feeling: we will live and die only for this country."
[105]
In a 1995 landmark judgment, the
Supreme Court of India
observed that "Ordinarily, Hindutva is understood as a way of life or a state of mind and is not to be equated with or understood as religious
Hindu fundamentalism
. A Hindu may embrace a non-Hindu religion without ceasing to be a Hindu and since the Hindu is disposed to think synthetically and to regard other forms of worship, strange gods and divergent doctrines as inadequate rather than wrong or objectionable, he tends to believe that the highest divine powers complement each other for the well-being of the world and mankind."
[106]
Hindu Rashtra movements in Nepal
[
edit
]
In 2008, Nepal was declared a
secular state
after the Maoist led
1996?2006 Nepalese Civil War
and the following
2006 Nepalese revolution
led to the abolition of
monarchy of Nepal
. Before becoming a
secular republic
,
Kingdom of Nepal
was the world's only country to have
Hinduism
as its
state religion
.
[107]
[108]
Thereafter, the
Rastriya Prajatantra Party Nepal
changed its constitution to support monarchy and the re-establishment of the Hindu state.
[109]
In December 2015, a pro-Hindu and a pro-monarchy protest was held at
Kathmandu
.
[110]
The chairperson of
CPN-Maoist
Prachanda
, claimed that Muslims were oppressed by the state and assured the Muslim crowd of Muslim Mukti Morcha to give special rights to Muslims in order to appease the community and garner Muslim support as his party faced losses in the
Terai region
during the
2008 Nepalese Constituent Assembly election
.
[111]
However, during the 2015 "Hindu Rashtra" campaigning in Nepal by the
Rashtriya Prajatantra Party Nepal
, the
Nepalese Muslim
groups demanded Nepal to be a "Hindu Rashtra" (Hindu Nation) under which they claimed to "feel secure" compared to the secular constitution. Nepalese Muslim groups also opined that the increasing influences of
Christianity in Nepal
that promote conversion against all other faiths is a reason they want Nepal to have a Hindu state identity under which all religions are protected.
[112]
[113]
Muslim leader Babu Khan Pathan who is the chairperson of the Muslim Rashtrawadi Manch
Nepalgunj
supported the Hindu Rashtra campaign and claimed that 80 percent Muslim citizens of
Banke district
supported the restoration of Hindu state. He gave the following clarification for the support of Hindu statehood in Nepal:
Turning the country secular is nothing but a design to break the longstanding unity among Muslims and Hindus. So there is no alternative to reinstating the country’s old Hindu State identity in order to allow fellow citizens to live with religious tolerance. We don't need a secular identity, but want to see the country called Hindu State as this ensures safety and peace for all. We are Nepali Muslims and proud of it, because we have our unique culture of being the Muslims of this land. Everything was going well until we were ambushed by political parties’ sudden decision to declare the country secular, which is deplorable as it is clear that they acted at the behest of foreign agents.
[112]
[113]
While announcing the party manifesto for the
2017 Nepalese general election
, the pro Hindu
Rashtriya Prajatantra Party Nepal
chairperson
Kamal Thapa
stated that Hindu statehood is the only means of establishing national unity and stability. He stated that the secularization of the state was done without the involvement of general public and thus, a referendum was due on the issue. Furthermore, chairperson Thapa argued that the conversion of Nepal into a secular republic was an organised attempt to weaken the national identity of Nepal and the religious conversions have seriously affected the indigenous and
Dalit
communities.
[114]
The
Rastriya Prajatantra Party Nepal
has stated support for a Hindu state with
religious freedom
and registered an amendment proposal for such on 19 March 2017.
[115]
On 30 November 2020, a pro-Hindu and a pro-monarchy protest was held at Kathmandu. Similar protests were held on other major cities like
Pokhara
and
Butwal
.
[116]
On 4 December 2020, mass protests were held at
Maitighar
that ended in
Naya Baneshwar
demanding the restoration of Hindu statehood with
constitutional monarchy
.
[117]
The protestors carried the national flags and posters of the founding father of modern Nepal, King
Prithvi Narayan Shah
, and chanted slogans supporting Hindu statehood. Protestors claimed the Hindu statehood is a means of national unity and well being of the people. This protest is considered one of the biggest pro-monarchy demonstrations.
[118]
On 11 January 2021, mass protests were held at
Kathmandu
demanding the restoration of Hindu statehood with monarchy. Police baton charged at the protestors around the
Prime Minister's Office
resulting in protestors responding with stones and sticks.
[119]
In August 2021, similar protests led by former Nepal Army General Rookmangud Katawal were also observed.
[120]
See also
[
edit
]
References
[
edit
]
Citations
[
edit
]
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RSS played an important role in anti-Muslim violence during the
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a
b
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Jha, Dhirendra K. (1 January 2020).
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Karawan, Ibrahim A.; McCormack, Wayne; Reynolds, Stephen E. (2008).
Values and Violence: Intangible Aspects of Terrorism
. Springer Science & Business Media. p. 87.
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Venugopal, Vasudha (8 September 2016).
"Nathuram Godse never left RSS, says his family"
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Suhrita Saha, "Benoy Kumar Sarkar (1887-1949): A Tryst with Destiny" in
Sociological Bulletin
, 62 (1), January?April 2013, p. 4
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Bandyopadhyay, B. (1984)
The Political Ideas of Benoy Kumar Sarkar
K. P. Bagchi, Calcutta,
ISBN
0-8364-1336-9
,
OCLC
12419520
- ^
published in two parts, the first in 1914 and the later in 1921: Sarkar, Benoy Kumar (1914)
The Positive Background of Hindu Sociology
(Part 1) Panini Office, Allahabad,
OCLC
2005865
; and Sarkar, Benoy Kumar (1914)
The Positive Background of Hindu Sociology
(Part 2, with appendices by Brajendranath Seal) Sudhindra Natha Vasu, Allahabad,
OCLC
48121776
- ^
Sarkar, Benoy Kumar (1916)
The beginning of Hindu culture as world-power (A.D. 300-600)
Commercial Press, Shanghai,
OCLC
5732399
- ^
Sarkar, Benoy Kumar (1916)
Chinese Religion Through Hindu Eyes: a study in the tendencies of Asiatic mentality
Commercial Press, Shanghai,
OCLC
82020
- ^
Sarkar, Benoy Kumar (1918)
Hindu achievements in exact science a study in the history of scientific development
Longmans, Green and Co., New York,
OCLC
1193853
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Sarkar, Benoy Kumar (1919).
"Hindu Theory of International Relations"
.
American Political Science Review
.
13
(3): 400?414.
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10.2307/1945958
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ISSN
0003-0554
.
JSTOR
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S2CID
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.
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Acharya, Amitav; Buzan, Barry (2019).
The Making of Global International Relations: Origins and Evolution of IR at its Centenary
. Cambridge University Press. pp. 100?101.
doi
:
10.1017/9781108647670
.
ISBN
978-1-108-48017-8
.
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159147042
.
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(2005).
Decolonizing the Hindu mind
. India: Rupa. p. 21.
ISBN
978-81-7167-519-7
.
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The Hindu Phenomenon, Girilal Jain,
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The first prime minister of India By Y. G. Bhave
. Lok Sabha Secretariat. p. 49.
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rediff.com
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2015
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Why Hindu Rashtra?
, p. 24.
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(2005).
Decolonizing the Hindu mind
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ISBN
978-81-7167-519-7
.
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. 28 October 2009.
Archived
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"??????? ?????? ???????? ????? ? ??? ?????? ?????? ???????? ??"
.
RPP
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2017
.
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.
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. 7 August 2015.
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. 10 July 2008.
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. 9 August 2015.
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"
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2017
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.
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The Diplomat ? The Diplomat is a current-affairs magazine for the Asia-Pacific, with news and analysis on politics, security, business, technology and life across the region
.
Books
[
edit
]
- Pradhan, Kumar L. (2012),
Thapa Politics in Nepal: With Special Reference to Bhim Sen Thapa, 1806?1839
, New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company, p. 278,
ISBN
978-81-8069-813-2
- Skinner, Debra; Pach III, Alfred; Holland, Dorothy (1998).
Selves in Time and Place: Identities, Experience, and History in Nepal
. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.
ISBN
978-0-8476-8599-8
.
- Messerschmidt, Donald Alan (1992).
Muktinath: Himalayan pilgrimage, a cultural & historical guide
. Sahayogi Press.
- Dharam Vir (1988).
Education and Polity in Nepal: An Asian Experiment
. Northern Book Centre.
ISBN
978-81-85119-39-7
.
- Borgstrom, Bengt-Erik (1980),
The patron and the panca: village values and pancayat democracy in Nepal
, Vikas House,
ISBN
978-0-7069-0997-5
- Stone, Linda (1988),
Illness Beliefs and Feeding the Dead in Hindu Nepal: An Ethnographic Analysis
, E. Mellen,
ISBN
978-0-88946-060-7
- Kara, Siddharth (2012),
Bonded Labor: Tackling the System of Slavery in South Asia
, Columbia University Press,
ISBN
978-0-231-52801-6
- Graham, Bruce Desmond (3 December 2007),
Hindu Nationalism and Indian Politics: The Origins and Development of the Bharatiya Jana Sangh
, Cambridge University Press,
ISBN
978-0-521-05374-7
- Singh, Neerja (28 July 2015),
Patel, Prasad and Rajaji: Myth of the Indian Right
, SAGE Publications,
ISBN
978-93-5150-266-1
Further reading
[
edit
]
- Bharat Prakashan
(1955).
Shri Guruji: The Man and His Mission, On the Occasion of His 51st Birthday
. Delhi: Bharat Prakashan.
OCLC
24593952
.
- Graham, B. D. (1968), "Syama Prasad Mookerjee and the communalist alternative", in D. A. Low (ed.),
Soundings in Modern South Asian History
, University of California Press,
ASIN
B0000CO7K5
- Goyal, Des Raj
(1979).
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh
. Delhi: Radha Krishna Prakashan.
ISBN
978-0-8364-0566-8
.
- Elst, Koenraad
(2001).
Decolonizing the Hindu mind: ideological development of Hindu revivalism
. Rupa & Co.
ISBN
978-81-7167-519-7
.
- Elst, Koenraad
(2001).
The Saffron Swastika: The Notion of "Hindu Fascism"
. Voice of India.
ISBN
978-81-85990-69-9
.
- King, Richard (2002),
Orientalism and Religion: Post-Colonial Theory, India and "The Mystic East"
, Routledge
- Bacchetta, Paola."Gendered Fractures in Hindu Nationalism: On the Subject-Members of the Rashtra Sevika Samiti."In The Oxford India Hinduism: A Reader, edited by
Vasudha Dalmia
and
Heinrich von Stietencron
, 373?395. London and Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2006.
- Bacchetta, Paola. Gender in the Hindu Nation: RSS Women as Ideologues. New Delhi: Women Unlimited, 2004.
- Walter K. Andersen. 'Bharatiya Janata Party: Searching for the Hindu Nationalist Face', In The New Politics of the Right: Neo?Populist Parties and Movements in Established Democracies, ed. Hans?Georg Betz and Stefan Immerfall (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1998), pp. 219?232. (
ISBN
0-312-21134-1
or
ISBN
0-312-21338-7
)
- Partha Banerjee, In the Belly of the Beast: The Hindu Supremacist RSS and BJP of India (Delhi: Ajanta, 1998).
OCLC
43318775
- Blank, Jonah
(1992).
Arrow of the Blue-Skinned God
. Houghton Mifflin.
ISBN
978-0-395-56267-3
.
- Ainslie T. Embree
, 'The Function of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh: To Define the Hindu Nation', in Accounting for Fundamentalisms, The Fundamentalism Project 4, ed. Martin E. Marty and R. Scott Appleby (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1994), pp. 617?652. (
ISBN
0-226-50885-4
)
- Gandhi, Rajmohan
(1991).
Patel: A Life
. Navajivan Publishing House.
- Savarkar, Vinayak Damodar
(1923).
Hindutva
. Delhi, India: Bharati Sahitya Sadan.
- Arun Shourie
, Goel, Sita Ram, et al. Time for Stock-Taking ? Whither Sangh Parivar? (1997)
ISBN
978-81-85990-48-4
- Girilal Jain,
The Hindu phenomenon
, South Asia Books (1995).
ISBN
978-81-86112-32-8
.
- H V Seshadri, K S Sudarshan, K. Surya Narayan Rao, Balraj Madhok:
Why Hindu Rashtra
, Suruchi Prakashan (1990), ASIN B001NX9MCA.
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