1874?1889 American political party
The
Greenback Party
(known successively as the
Independent Party
, the
National Independent Party
and the
Greenback Labor Party
) was an
American political party
with an
anti-monopoly
ideology which was active from 1874 to 1889. The party ran candidates in three
presidential elections
, in
1876
,
1880
and
1884
, before it faded away.
The party's name referred to the non-
gold backed
paper money, commonly known as "
greenbacks
", that had been issued by the
North
during the
American Civil War
and shortly afterward. The party opposed the
deflationary
lowering of prices paid to producers that was entailed by a return to a
bullion
-based monetary system, the policy favored by the
Republican
and
Democratic
parties. Continued use of unbacked currency, it was believed, would better foster business and assist
farmers
by raising prices and making debts easier to pay.
Initially an agrarian organization associated with the policies of the
Grange
, the organization took the name Greenback Labor Party in 1878 and attempted to forge a farmer?labor alliance by adding industrial reforms to its agenda, such as support of the
8-hour day
and opposition to the use of state or private force to suppress
union
strikes
. The organization faded into obscurity in the second half of the 1880s, with its basic program reborn shortly under the aegis of the
People's Party
, commonly known as the "Populists". Later, during the early 20th century, parts of the agenda from both parties were accomplished by the
Progressives
.
Organizational history
[
edit
]
Background
[
edit
]
The
American Civil War
of 1861 to 1865 greatly affected the financial system of the United States of America, creating vast new war-related expenditures while disrupting the flow of tax revenue from the
Southern United States
, organized as the
Confederate States of America
. The act of Southern secession prompted a brief and severe
business panic
in the North and a crisis of public confidence in the Federal government.
[1]
The government's initial illusions of a quick military victory proved ephemeral and in the wake of Southern victories the federal government found it increasingly difficult to sell the government bonds necessary to finance the war effort.
[1]
Two 1861 bond sales of $50 million each conducted through private banks went without a hitch, but bankers found the market for the 7.3% securities soft for a third bond issue.
[1]
A general fear arose that the country's
gold
supply was inadequate and that the nation would soon leave the
gold standard
.
[1]
In December
runs on deposits
began in
New York City
, forcing banks there to disburse a substantial part of their hard metal reserves.
[1]
On December 30, 1861, New York banks suspended the redemption of their banknotes with gold.
[1]
This spontaneous action was followed shortly by banks in other states suspending payment on their own banknotes and the
U.S. Treasury
itself suspending redemption of its own
Treasury notes
.
[1]
The gold standard was thus effectively suspended.
[1]
United States Secretary of the Treasury
Salmon P. Chase
had already anticipated the coming financial crisis, proposing to
Congress
the establishment of a system of national banks, each empowered to issue banknotes backed not with gold but with federal bonds.
[1]
This December 1861 proposal was initially ignored by Congress, which in February 1862 decided instead to pass the
First Legal Tender Act
, authorizing the production of not more than $150 million of these legal tender
United States Notes
.
[1]
Two additional issues were deemed necessary, approved in June 1862 and January 1863, so that by the end of the war some $450 million of this non-gold-backed currency was in circulation.
[1]
The new United States Notes were popularly known as "greenbacks" due to the vibrant green ink used on the reverse side of the bill. A dual currency system emerged in which this
fiat money
circulated side by side with ostensibly gold-backed currency and gold coin, with the value of the former bearing a discount in trade. The greatest differential in value of these currencies came in 1864, when the value of a gold dollar equaled $1.85 in greenback currency.
[2]
Congress finally enacted Treasury Secretary Chase's
National Bank plan
in January 1863, creating a yet another form of currency, also backed by government bonds rather than gold and redeemable in United States Notes.
[3]
This non-gold-based currency became the functional equivalent of greenbacks in circulation, further expanding the money supply.
[2]
With the production of consumer goods impacted by the conversion of factories to wartime production and the expansion of the money supply, the United States of America experienced a period of protracted
inflation
during the Civil War.
[2]
Between the years 1860 and 1865, the cost of living nearly doubled.
[2]
As is the case in all inflationary periods, there were winners and losers created by the significant fall in currency value, with banks and creditors receiving less real value from the loans repaid by debtors. Pressure began to build in the financial industry for a rectification of the weak currency situation.
A change of heads at the Treasury Department in March 1865 proved the occasion for a change of course in American monetary policy. New Secretary of the Treasury
Hugh McCulloch
not only declared himself sympathetic to the banking industry's desire for restoration of a gold-based currency, but he declared the resumption of gold payments to be his primary aim.
[2]
In December 1865, McCulloch formally sought approval from Congress to retire the greenback currency from circulation, a necessary first step towards restoration of the gold standard.
[2]
In response, Congress passed the
Contraction Act of 1866
, calling for the withdrawal of $10 million in United States Notes within the first 6 months and an addition $4 million per month thereafter.
[2]
Substantial contraction of the physical money supply followed.
[2]
About $44 million in greenback currency was successfully withdrawn from circulation before a
recession
in 1867 helped fuel opposition in Congress to the deflationary redemption program.
[2]
In February 1868, Congress terminated the Redemption Act and a state of what is today known as
gridlock
emerged, during which Congress refused to either formally leave the gold standard or to redeem its non-gold currency in circulation.
[2]
Secretary of the Treasury of the
Grant administration
George S. Boutwell
formally abandoned the contraction policy and embraced the ongoing state of political inertia.
[2]
Currency policy emerged as a hot topic in national politics, with politically active
farmers
and representatives of the fledgling national
trade union
movement endorsing a weak greenback-type currency as conducive to the needs of these groups as debtors.
[4]
A looser currency supply was seen as a way of breaking the perceived stranglehold on the national economy held by banks and wealthy industrialists.
[4]
Chief among these supporters of so-called "Greenbackism" was the
National Labor Union
(NLU), established in 1866.
[4]
This and other groups began to turn to
political action
in 1870 in an effort to advance their political agenda, with an August 1870 convention calling for the establishment of the
National Labor Reform Party
.
[4]
Joining organized labor were the organized farmers in the form of the
Patrons of Husbandry
, commonly known as
the Grange
.
[5]
Established in 1867, the Grange concerned itself with the
monopoly
power exerted by railroads, which used various aggressive pricing mechanisms for its own benefit against the farmers who shipped commodities over its lines. When the Grangers turned to politics around the start of the 1870s, railroad price reform was chief on its agenda, with currency reform making it easier for debtors to repay their loans a distinctly lesser concern.
[5]
The Greenback Party would be an alliance of organized labor and reform-minded farmers intent on toppling the political hegemony of the industrial- and banking-oriented
Republican Party
which ruled the North during the
Reconstruction period
.
1873 economic crisis and response
[
edit
]
The late 1860s and early 1870s were a time of frenetic railway construction and associated land speculation. Rather than a managed system of national railroad construction through
public works
or leaving the construction of lines strictly to market forces, Congress attempted to spur the growth of the industry through the grant of enormous tracts of
public lands
to privately owned railway companies. In May 1869, the
First transcontinental railroad
across the North American continent was completed, bringing many localities to within reach of a national market for the first time.
A frenzy to complete additional railway lines to open up new frontier areas for development followed, a situation in which the United States government and the great railroad companies of the day maintained a common interest. In an effort to speed such development, Congress granted cash loans and some 129 million acres (52.2 million hectares) of publicly owned land to subsidize construction.
[6]
A great part of this massive stockpile of land needed to be converted into cash by the railways to finance their building activities, since railroad construction was a costly undertaking. New settlement had to be attracted to the virgin lands west of the
Missouri River
, which had been previously regarded by the public as worthless to the needs of agriculture due to insufficiencies of the soil as well as the arid climate.
[7]
Millions of advertising dollars were spent by the railway companies promoting the agricultural development of the land which they had to sell.
[8]
Populations skyrocketed and marginal lands were sold and settled.
In 1873, the
economic bubble
burst.
The Panic
began with a crisis in the overextended railroad industry, when the brokerage house
Jay Cooke & Company
found itself unable to sell enough
Northern Pacific Railroad
bonds to meet its financial obligations, leading to a default on loans and setting off a financial chain reaction. Runs began on banks, causing a series of bank failures, and manufacturers shuttered their production, laying off workers. Dozens of marginal railroads went bankrupt while unemployment skyrocketed.
[9]
A lengthy depression ensued, continuing through 1878.
[10]
Pressure was placed on Congress to alleviate the business crisis through reinflation of the currency, pitting railroad promoters and the iron industry against Eastern bankers and the merchant elite, who favored a stable, gold-based currency.
[11]
Although those favoring currency expansion won the day in Congress, which passed an Inflation Bill calling for a $46 million boost in output of National Bank notes that would raise the ceiling on unbacked currency back to $400 million, the legislation was
vetoed
by President Grant on April 22, 1874.
[11]
The next Congress moved in the other direction, with the Republican leadership making use of steamroller tactics in order to finally resolve the dual currency situation through passage of the
Specie Payment Resumption Act
.
[12]
Under the plan the government would accumulate a sufficient gold reserve over the next several years through the sale of interest-bearing bonds for gold, using the accumulated metal to redeem the greenback currency on January 1, 1879.
[12]
This deflationary move further tightened the already contracting economy, moving currency reform higher on the list of objectives of politically minded farmers.
[12]
With the
Democratic Party
still discredited in the minds of many Northerners for its pro-Southern orientation and the Republican Party dominated by pro-gold interests, conditions had become ripe for the emergence of a new political organization to challenge the political hegemony of the two established parties of American politics.
Establishment
[
edit
]
The Greenback Party emerged gradually from the consolidation of like-minded
state
-level political organizations of differing names. According to historian
Paul Kleppner
, the origin of the Greenback Party is to be found in the state of
Indiana
, where early in 1873 a group of reform-minded farmers and
political activists
declared themselves free of the two established parties and established themselves as the Independent Party.
[12]
One of the founding members, John C. Wilde, is cited several times in a northern Michigan newspaper from 1898 explaining the reasons for the beginning of the Party. The group nominated a slate for statewide office, running on a platform which called for expansion of the national currency.
[12]
(In
Wisconsin
in the same year, a short-lived
Reform Party
, also called Liberal Reform Party or People's Reform Party, a
coalition
of Democrats,
reform
-minded Republicans, and
Grangers
secured the election of
William Robert Taylor
as
Governor of Wisconsin
for a two-year term,
[13]
as well as a number of state legislators, but it never formed a coherent organization.)
The Indiana Independent organization cast its eyes upon a broader existence the following year, issuing a convention call in August 1874 urging all "greenback men" to assemble at
Indianapolis
in November to form a new national political party.
[12]
The result of this call was an undelegated gathering of individuals held in November in Indianapolis which was more akin to an organizational conference than a formal convention. No new party was formally established, but a governing Executive Committee was named for the prospective "National Independent Party", with the body assigned the task of composing a declaration of principles and issuing another call for a formal founding convention.
[12]
Several regional conventions took place in 1875, merging the activities of local political parties towards a single end.
[14]
Most of those attending these initial gatherings were farmers or lawyers, with few urban wage workers or trade union officials ? the union movement having been shattered and atomized following the Panic of 1873.
[15]
The party nominated its first national ticket at a convention held in
Indianapolis
,
Indiana
in May 1876.
[16]
The party's platform focused upon repeal of the
Specie Resumption Act of 1875
and the renewed use of non-gold-backed
United States Notes
in an effort to restore prosperity through an expanded
money supply
.
[16]
The convention nominated New York economics pamphleteer
Peter Cooper
as its presidential standard-bearer.
Cooper declared to the convention:
The paper currency, commonly called 'legal tenders' or 'greenbacks,' was actually paid out for value received as so much gold, when gold could not be obtained ...
But whether our currency will always be on a par with gold or not, ... the commercial and industrial prosperity of a country do not depend upon the amount of gold and silver there is in circulation. Our prosperity must continually depend upon the industry, the enterprise, and the busy internal trade and a true independence of foreign nations, which a paper circulation, well based on credit, has always been found to promote.
[17]
The Greenback movement argued that the previous effort of using an unbacked currency had been sabotaged by monied interests, which had prevailed upon Congress to restrict the functionality of the notes ? declaring them unsuitable for the payment of taxes or national debt.
[18]
This inevitably depreciated the value of the unbacked currency when circulated side by side with fully functional gold-backed notes, the Greenback movement argued.
[18]
Moreover, this differential in values was exploited by speculators, who purchased unbacked currency at a severe discount with gold-backed notes and then pressured Congress into redemption of the same at a 1-to-1 rate ? thereby netting the speculator a tidy profit.
[18]
The Greenback Party of 1876 drew the support almost exclusively from farmers ? few urban workmen cast ballots for the Greenback ticket.
[19]
The situation changed somewhat in the summer of 1877, however, when a strike movement erupted across the country, leading to the suppression of local
strike actions
by Federal troops and a radicalization of workers. A myriad of local political organizations, independent not only of the Republican and Democratic Parties but also of the fledgling Greenback Party sprung up around the country, concentrated in the states of
Ohio
,
Pennsylvania
, and
New York
.
[19]
Development
[
edit
]
In the late 1870s, the party controlled local government in a number of industrial and mining communities and contributed to the election of 21 members in the
United States Congress
independent of the two major parties.
[20]
The movement found particular success at the 1874 elections in Wisconsin, California, Iowa and Kansas.
This led the
Chicago Weekly Tribune
to state that the movement offered, "an opportunity to accomplish something for the country at large ? not for the farmers merely, but for all who live by their industry, as distinguished from those who live by politics, speculations and class-legislation." Frustrated by their inability to get Democrats or Republicans to adopt inflationary monetary policy, southern and western leaders of monetary reform met in Indianapolis and proposed the creation of a new political party for currency reform. They would meet again in Cleveland to formally launch the Greenback Party in 1875. The Greenbackers condemned the
National Banking System
, created by the
National Banking Act
of 1863, the harmonization of the silver dollar (
Coinage Act of 1873
was in fact the "Crime of '73" to Greenback), and the
Resumption Act
of 1875, which mandated that the U.S. Treasury issue specie (coinage or "hard" currency) in exchange for greenback currency upon its presentation for redemption beginning on January 1, 1879, thus returning the nation to the gold standard. Together, these measures created an inflexible currency controlled by banks rather than the federal government. Greenbacks contended that such a system favored creditors and industry to the detriment of farmers and laborers.
[21]
In 1880, the Greenback Party broadened its platform to include support for an
income tax
, an
eight-hour day
, and
allowing women the right to vote
. Ideological similarities also existed between the Grange (
The National Grange of the Order of Patrons of Husbandry
) and the Greenback movement. For example, both the Grange and the GAP favored a national graduated income tax and proposed that
public lands
be given to settlers rather than sold to land
speculators
.
[22]
The town of
Greenback, Tennessee
, was named after the Greenback Party about 1882.
[23]
The party seems to have made use of slightly different official names in some states, with the organization appearing on the ballot in the November 1880
Sacramento
,
California
, city election as the "Greenback Labor and Socialist Party".
[24]
Among its national spokesmen, although not the best known, was
Thomas Ewing, Jr.
, a noted Free State advocate in Kansas before the civil war, a controversial major general of Union forces during the war, and a Republican turned Democrat after the Grant Administration. His national debates on Greenback monetary policy led the party's growth and influence as spokesmen against the post-war redevelopment of monopolistic gold-based capitalism. Ewing's advice to Andrew Johnson had helped point the administration towards an anti-gold-standard Treasury department.
[25]
Ewing served in Congress from 1877 to 1881 during the Hayes administration as a leading spokesman for those national politicians who wanted the nation's money supply used to expand commerce and fund westward expansion of the nation, not repay in gold the interest on civil war bonds Eastern bankers had bought to fund much of the civil war effort but whose antebellum lending practices to the South had helped slavery flourish.
[26]
His 1875 national debates with hard money New York Governor
Stewart L. Woodford
set the stage for a rapid but brief rise in party national influence.
[27]
Decline and dissolution
[
edit
]
The Greenback Party was in decline throughout the entire
Grover Cleveland
administration. In the
election of 1884
, the party failed to win any
House
seats outright, although they did win one seat in conjunction with Plains States Democrats,
James B. Weaver
, as well as a handful of other seats by endorsing the Democratic nominee.
In the
election of 1886
, only two dozen Greenback candidates ran for the House, apart from another six who ran on fusion tickets. Again, Weaver was the party's only victory. Much of the Greenback news in early 1888 took place in Michigan, where the party remained active.
In early 1888, it was not clear if the Greenback Party would hold another national convention. The 4th Greenback Party National Convention assembled in
Cincinnati
,
Ohio
, on May 16, 1888. There were so few delegates who attended that no actions were taken. On August 16, 1888,
George O. Jones
, chairman of the national committee, called a second session of the national convention. The second session of the national convention met in Cincinnati on September 12, 1888. Only seven delegates attended. Chairman Jones issued an address criticizing the two major parties, and the delegates made no nominations. With the failure of the convention, the Greenback Party ceased to exist.
Legacy
[
edit
]
Many Greenback activists, including 1880 Presidential nominee
James B. Weaver
, later participated in the
Populist Party
. By the middle of the 1880s, Greenback Labor nationally was losing its labor-based support, in part as a result of
craft union
voluntarism and in part as a result of Irish defections back to the Democratic Party.
[28]
Historian
Paul Kleppner
has observed that one of the traditional functions of
third parties
in the American political system has been the raising of new issues, the testing of their viability amongst the electorate, and the pressuring of established political parties to appropriate these issues as part of their own electoral agenda.
[29]
In this the Greenback Party and the People's Party which followed it were ultimately successful, moving the Democratic Party to espouse looser monetary policy and an ultimate abandonment of the gold standard.
Conventions
[
edit
]
Convention
|
Location
|
Date
|
Comments
|
Indiana Organizational Conference
|
Indianapolis
|
Nov. 25, 1874
|
Meeting of the "Independent Party" of Indiana. Plans to call a national convention.
|
National Organizational Convention
|
Cleveland
|
March 1875
|
Establishes "National Independent Party."
|
Organizational Convention
|
Cincinnati
|
September 1875
|
Organized by philanthropist Horace H. Day in protest of March 1875 convention's failure to address labor concerns. Participants voted to fuse with "National Independent Party".
|
1st National Convention
|
Indianapolis
|
May 16?18, 1876
|
Convention of the "National Independent Party" (Greenback Party) attended by 239 delegates from 17 states. Nominated Peter Cooper for President.
|
Greenback Labor Party Founding Convention
|
Toledo, Ohio
|
February 22, 1878
|
Convention united the Greenback Party with the Labor Reform Party to establish the "Greenback Labor Party". Expands platform to include labor concerns.
|
2nd Greenback Labor National Convention
|
Chicago
|
June 9?10, 1880
|
Attended by 714 delegates. Nominated
James B. Weaver
for president and
Barzillai J. Chambers
for VP.
|
3rd Greenback Labor National Convention
|
Indianapolis
|
May 28?29, 1884
|
Benjamin Franklin Butler
nominated for president and
Absolom M. West
for VP.
|
4th Greenback Labor Convention (aborted)
|
Cincinnati
|
May 16, 1888
|
So few delegates in attendance that no action was taken.
|
4th Greenback Labor National Convention
|
Cincinnati
|
Sept. 12, 1888
|
Only 8 delegates attended and no candidates were nominated.
|
Presidential tickets
[
edit
]
Elected officials
[
edit
]
The following were Greenback members of the
U.S. House of Representatives
:
46th United States Congress
, March 4, 1879 - March 3, 1881.
- William M. Lowe
(1842?1882),
Alabama's 8th congressional district
- Albert P. Forsythe
(1830?1906),
Illinois's 15th congressional district
- Gilbert De La Matyr
(1825?1892), "National"
Indiana's 7th congressional district
- James B. Weaver
(1833?1912),
Iowa's 6th congressional district
- Edward H. Gillette
(1840?1918),
Iowa's 7th congressional district
- George W. Ladd
(1818?1892),
Maine's 4th congressional district
- Thompson H. Murch
(1838?1886),
Maine's 5th congressional district
- Nicholas Ford
(1833?1897),
Missouri's 9th congressional district
- Daniel Lindsay Russell
(1845?1908),
North Carolina's 3rd congressional district
- Hendrick B. Wright
,
Pennsylvania's 12th congressional district
- Seth H. Yocum
(1834?1895),
Pennsylvania's 20th congressional district
- George Washington Jones
(1828?1903),
Texas's 5th congressional district
- Bradley Barlow
(1814?1889),
Vermont's 3rd congressional district
47th United States Congress
, March 4, 1881, to March 3, 1883.
- William M. Lowe
, Alabama's 8th congressional district.
?Seated June 3, 1882, subsequently died August 12, 1882.
- George W. Ladd
, Maine's 4th congressional district
- Thompson H. Murch
, Maine's 5th congressional district
- Ira S. Hazeltine
Missouri's 6th congressional district
- Theron M. Rice
Missouri's 7th congressional district
- Nicholas Ford
, Missouri's 9th congressional district
- Joseph H. Burrows
Missouri's 10th congressional district
- Charles N. Brumm
,
Pennsylvania's 13th congressional district
- James Mosgrove
,
Pennsylvania's 25th congressional district
- George Washington Jones
, Texas' 5th congressional district
48th United States Congress
, March 4, 1883, to March 3, 1885.
49th United States Congress
, March 4, 1885, to March 3, 1887.
50th United States Congress
, March 4, 1887, to March 3, 1889.
Other elected officials
[
edit
]
See also
[
edit
]
- ^
a
b
c
d
e
f
g
h
i
j
k
Paul Kleppner, "The Greenback and Prohibition Parties," in Arthur M. Schlesinger (ed.),
History of U.S. Political Parties: Volume II, 1860-1910, The Gilded Age of Politics.
New York: Chelsea House/R.R. Bowker Co., 1973; pg. 1552.
- ^
a
b
c
d
e
f
g
h
i
j
k
Kleppner, "The Greenback and Prohibition Parties," pg. 1553.
- ^
Kleppner, "The Greenback and Prohibition Parties," pp. 1552-1553.
- ^
a
b
c
d
Kleppner, "The Greenback and Prohibition Parties," pg. 1554.
- ^
a
b
Kleppner, "The Greenback and Prohibition Parties," pg. 1555.
- ^
John D. Hicks,
The Populist Revolt: A History of the Crusade for Farm Relief.
Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 1931; pp. 3-4.
- ^
Hicks,
The Populist Revolt,
pg. 5.
- ^
Hicks,
The Populist Revolt,
pg. 15.
- ^
There were a total of 105 American railroad failures during the first year of the crisis. See: Kleppner, "The Greenback and Prohibition Parties," pg. 1556.
- ^
Kleppner, "The Greenback and Prohibition Parties," pp. 1555-1556.
- ^
a
b
Kleppner, "The Greenback and Prohibition Parties," pp. 1556.
- ^
a
b
c
d
e
f
g
Kleppner, "The Greenback and Prohibition Parties," pg. 1557.
- ^
"William Robert Taylor, Wisconsin Historical Society"
. Archived from
the original
on 2018-10-01
. Retrieved
2012-08-03
.
- ^
Philip S. Foner,
History of the Labor Movement in the United States: Volume 1, From Colonial Times to the Founding of the American Federation of Labor.
New York: International Publishers, 1947; pg. 476.
- ^
Foner,
History of the Labor Movement in the United States," vol. 1, pp. 476-477.
- ^
a
b
Kleppner, "The Greenback and Prohibition Parties," pg. 1551.
- ^
Peter Cooper,
The Nomination to the Presidency of Peter Cooper and his Address to the Indianapolis Convention of the National Independent Party.
New York: Peter Cooper/Trow's Printing and Bookbinding, 1876; pg. 13.
- ^
a
b
c
William D.P. Bliss and Rudolph M. Binder (eds.),
The New Encyclopedia of Social Reform.
New York: Funk and Wagnalls, 1908; pp. 562-563.
- ^
a
b
Selig Perlman, "Upheaval and Reorganization (Since 1876)," in John Commons et al. (eds.),
History of Labour in the United States: Volume 2.
New York: Macmillan, 1918; pg. 240.
- ^
Foner,
Give Me Liberty!
vol. 2, pg. 532.
- ^
Hild,
Greenbacks, Knights of Labor, and Populists,
pp. 20?21.
- ^
Hild,
Greenback, Knights of Labor, and Populists,
pg. 22.
- ^
Linda Albert, "About Greenback",
Maryville-Alcoa Daily Times
, February 19, 2000.
- ^
"Greenback Socialists"
,
Sacramento Record-Union
, pg. 3.
- ^
Ronald D. Smith,
Thomas Ewing Jr.: Frontier Lawyer and Civil War General.
Columbia, MO: University of Missouri Press, 2008; pg. 290.
- ^
Smith,
Thomas Ewing Jr.,
pp. 331-332.
- ^
J.V. Lee (Ed.),
Joint Discussions between Gen. Thomas Ewing, of Ohio, and Gov. Stewart L. Woodford, of New York, on the Finance Question: Held at Circleville, Wilmington, Tifflin, and Columbus, Ohio, October 2, 4, 8, and 9, 1875.
Columbus, OH: J.V. Lee, 1876; pg. 100.
- ^
Gwendolyn Mink,
Old Labor and New Immigrants in American Political Development; Union, Party, and State, 1875-1920.
Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1986; pg. 87.
- ^
Kleppner, "The Greenback and Prohibition Parties," pg. 1550.
Further reading
[
edit
]
- Don C. Barrett,
The Greenbacks and Resumption of Specie Payments, 1862-1879.
Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1931.
- Alexander Campbell,
The True Greenback: Or the Way to Pay the National Debt Without Taxes, and Emancipate Labor.
Chicago: Alexander Campbell, 1868.
- Peter Cooper,
The Nomination to the Presidency of Peter Cooper and his Address to the Indianapolis Convention of the National Independent Party.
New York: Peter Cooper/Trow's Printing and Bookbinding, 1876.
- Wesley Clair Mitchell,
A History of the Greenbacks: With Special Reference to the Economic Consequences of Their Issue, 1862-65.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1903.
- Wesley Clair Mitchell,
Gold, Prices, and Wages under the Greenback Standard.
Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1908.
- Gretchen Ritter,
Goldbugs and Greenbacks: The Antimonopoly Tradition and the Politics of Finance in America.
New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997.
- Usher, Ellis B.
(1911).
The Greenback Movement of 1875-1884 and Wisconsin's Part In It
. Milwaukee: E. B. Usher
. Retrieved
September 25,
2013
.
|
---|
This group includes only pre-1996 parties that fielded a candidate that won greater 0.1% of the popular vote in at least one presidential election
|
Presidential
tickets that
won at least
one percent of
the national
popular vote
(candidate(s) /
running mate(s))
| |
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Other notable
left-wing parties
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