Political faction in the French Revolution
The
Girondins
(
ji-
RON
-dinz, zhi-
,
[3]
French:
[?i???d??]
ⓘ
), or
Girondists
, were a political group during the
French Revolution
. From 1791 to 1793, the Girondins were active in the
Legislative Assembly
and the
National Convention
. Together with the
Montagnards
, they initially were part of the
Jacobin
movement. They campaigned for the end of the
monarchy
, but then resisted the spiraling momentum of the
Revolution
, which caused a conflict with the more radical Montagnards. They dominated the movement until their fall in the
insurrection of 31 May ? 2 June 1793
, which resulted in the domination of the Montagnards and the purge and eventual mass execution of the Girondins. This event is considered to mark the beginning of the
Reign of Terror
.
The Girondins were a group of loosely affiliated individuals rather than an organized political party and the name was at first informally applied because the most prominent exponents of their point of view were deputies to the Legislative Assembly from the
departement
of
Gironde
in southwest France.
Girondin leader
Jacques Pierre Brissot
proposed an ambitious military plan to spread the Revolution internationally, therefore the Girondins were the war party in 1792?1793. Other prominent Girondins included
Jean Marie Roland
and his wife
Madame Roland
. They also had an ally in the English-born American activist
Thomas Paine
.
Brissot and Madame Roland were executed and Jean Roland (who had gone into hiding) committed suicide when he learned about the execution. Paine was imprisoned, but he narrowly escaped execution. The famous painting
The Death of Marat
depicts the fiery radical journalist and denouncer of the Girondins
Jean-Paul Marat
after being stabbed to death in his bathtub by
Charlotte Corday
, a Girondin sympathizer. Corday did not attempt to flee and was arrested and executed.
Identity
[
edit
]
The collective name "Girondins" is used to describe "a loosely knit group of French deputies who contested the Montagnards for control of the National Convention".
[5]
They were never an official organization or political party.
[6]
[7]
The name itself was bestowed not by any of its alleged members but by the
Montagnards
, "who claimed as early as April 1792 that a counterrevolutionary faction had coalesced around deputies of the department of the
Gironde
".
[5]
[8]
Jacques-Pierre Brissot
,
Jean Marie Roland
and
Francois Buzot
were among the most prominent of such deputies and contemporaries called their supporters
Brissotins
,
Rolandins
, or
Buzotins
, depending on which politician was being blamed for their leadership.
[5]
Other names were employed at the time too, but "Girondins" ultimately became the term favored by historians.
[5]
The term became standard with
Alphonse de Lamartine
's
History of the Girondins
in 1847.
[9]
History
[
edit
]
Rise
[
edit
]
Twelve deputies represented the departement of the Gironde and there were six who sat for this departement in both the
Legislative Assembly
of 1791?1792 and the
National Convention
of 1792?1795. Five were lawyers:
Pierre Victurnien Vergniaud
,
Marguerite-Elie Guadet
,
Armand Gensonne
, Jean Antoine Laffargue de Grangeneuve and Jean Jay (who was also a Protestant pastor). The other,
Jean Francois Ducos
, was a tradesman. In the Legislative Assembly, they represented a compact body of opinion which, though not as yet definitely republican (i.e. against the monarchy), was considerably more "advanced" than the moderate royalism of the majority of the Parisian deputies.
A group of deputies from elsewhere became associated with these views, most notably the
Marquis de Condorcet
,
Claude Fauchet
,
Marc David Lasource
,
Maximin Isnard
, the
Comte de Kersaint
, Henri Lariviere and above all Jacques Pierre Brissot, Jean Marie Roland and
Jerome Petion
, who was elected mayor of Paris in succession to
Jean Sylvain Bailly
on 16 November 1791.
Madame Roland
, whose
salon
became their gathering place, had a powerful influence on the spirit and policy of the Girondins with her "romantic republicanism".
The party cohesion they possessed was connected to the energy of Brissot, who came to be regarded as their mouthpiece in the Assembly and in the
Jacobin Club
,
[
citation needed
]
hence the name "Brissotins" for his followers.
[11]
The group was identified by its enemies at the start of the National Convention (20 September 1792). "Brissotins" and "Girondins" were terms of opprobrium used by their enemies in a separate faction of the Jacobin Club, who freely denounced them as enemies of democracy.
Foreign policy
[
edit
]
In the Legislative Assembly, the Girondins represented the principle of democratic revolution within France and patriotic defiance to the European powers.
They supported an aggressive foreign policy and constituted the war party in the period 1792?1793, when revolutionary France initiated a long series of revolutionary wars with other European powers. Brissot proposed an ambitious military plan to spread the Revolution internationally, one that
Napoleon
later pursued aggressively.
[12]
Brissot called on the National Convention to dominate Europe by conquering the
Rhineland
,
Poland
and the
Netherlands
with a goal of creating a protective ring of satellite republics in
Great Britain
,
Spain
and
Italy
by 1795. The Girondins also called for war against
Austria
, arguing it would rally patriots around the Revolution, liberate oppressed peoples from despotism, and test the loyalty of
King Louis XVI
.
[13]
Montagnards versus Girondins
[
edit
]
Girondins at first dominated the Jacobin Club, where Brissot's influence had not yet been ousted by
Maximilien Robespierre
and they did not hesitate to use this advantage to stir up popular passion and intimidate those who sought to stay the progress of the Revolution. They compelled the king in 1792 to choose a ministry composed of their partisans, among them Roland,
Charles Francois Dumouriez
,
[13]
Etienne Claviere
and
Joseph Marie Servan de Gerbey
; and they forced a
declaration of war
against
Habsburg Austria
the same year. In all of this activity, there was no apparent line of cleavage between
La Gironde
and
The Mountain
. Montagnards and Girondins alike were fundamentally opposed to the monarchy; both were democrats as well as republicans; and both were prepared to
appeal to force
in order to realise their ideals.
Despite being accused of wanting to weaken the central government ("federalism"), the Girondins desired as little as the Montagnards to break up the unity of France.
[14]
From the first, the leaders of the two parties stood in avowed opposition, in the Jacobin Club as in the Assembly.
Temperament largely accounts for the dividing line between the parties. The Girondins were doctrinaires and theorists rather than men of action. They initially encouraged armed petitions, but then were dismayed when this led to the
emeute
(riot) of 20 June 1792
. Jean-Marie Roland was typical of their spirit, turning the Ministry of the Exterior into a publishing office for tracts on civic virtues while riotous mobs were burning the chateaux unchecked in the provinces. Girondins did not share the ferocious fanaticism or the ruthless opportunism of the future Montagnard organisers of the
Reign of Terror
. On 25 July, according to the
Logographe
, Carnot promoted the use of pikes (seven feet long) and provided to every citizen.
[15]
(On this day the points of view between Robespierre and Brissot split.
[16]
) On 29 July Robespierre called for the deposition of the King and the election of a Convention.
[17]
[18]
Early August Brissot urged the preservation of the constitution, advocating against both the dethronement of the king and the election of a new assembly.
As the Revolution developed, the Girondins often found themselves opposing its results; the overthrow of the monarchy on 10 August 1792 and the
September Massacres
of 1792 occurred while they still nominally controlled the government, but the Girondins tried to distance themselves from the results of the September Massacres.
At the end of August Robespierre was no longer willing to cooperate with Brissot and
Roland
. On Sunday morning 2 September the members of the Commune, gathering in the town hall to proceed the election of deputies to the National Convention, decided to maintain their seats and have Roland and Brissot arrested.
[20]
According to
Charlotte Robespierre
, her brother stopped talking to his former friend, mayor
Petion de Villeneuve
. Petion was accused of
conspicuous consumption
by Desmoulins,
[22]
and finally rallied to Brissot.
[23]
When the
National Convention
first met on 22 September 1792, the core of like-minded deputies from the
Gironde
expanded as
Jean-Baptiste Boyer-Fonfrede
, Jacques Lacaze and Francois Bergoeing joined five of the six stalwarts of the
Legislative Assembly
(Jean Jay, the Protestant pastor, drifted toward the Montagnard faction). Their numbers were increased by the return to national politics by former
National Constituent Assembly
deputies such as
Jean-Paul Rabaut Saint-Etienne
,
Petion de Villeneuve
and Kervelegan, as well as some newcomers as the writer
Thomas Paine
and popular journalist Jean-Louis Carra. The Girondins called on the local authorities to oppose the concentration and centralisation of power.
Decline and fall
[
edit
]
The Girondins proposed suspending the king and summoning of the National Convention, but they agreed not to overthrow the monarchy until
Louis XVI
became impervious to their counsels. Once the king was overthrown in 1792 and a republic was established, they were anxious to stop the revolutionary movement that they had helped to set in motion. Girondins and historian
Pierre Claude Francois Daunou
argues in his
Memoires
that the Girondins were too cultivated and too polished to retain their popularity for long in times of disturbance, and so they were more inclined to work for the establishment of order, which would mean the guarantee of their own power. The Girondins, who had been the radicals of the Legislative Assembly (1791?1792), became the conservatives of the Convention (1792?1795).
[25]
The Revolution failed to deliver the immediate gains that had been promised and this made it difficult for the Girondins to draw it to a close easily in the minds of the public. Moreover, the
Septembriseurs
(the supporters of the
September Massacres
such as Robespierre,
Danton
, Marat and their lesser allies) realised that not only their influence but their safety depended on keeping the Revolution alive. Robespierre, who hated the Girondins, had proposed to include them in the
proscription
lists of September 1792: The Mountain Club to a man who desired their overthrow.
A group including some Girondins prepared a draft constitution known as the
Girondin constitutional project
, which was presented to the
National Convention
in early 1793.
Thomas Paine
was one of the signers of this proposal.
The crisis came in March 1793. The Girondins, who had a majority in the Convention, controlled the executive council and filled the ministries, believed themselves invincible. Their orators had no serious rivals in the hostile camp?their system was established in mere reason, but the Montagnards made up for what they lacked in talent or in numbers through their boldness and energy.
This was especially fruitful since uncommitted delegates accounted for almost half the total number, even though the Jacobins and Brissotins formed the largest groups.
[
citation needed
]
The more radical rhetoric of the Jacobins attracted the support of the revolutionary
Paris Commune
, the
Revolutionary Sections
(mass assemblies in districts) and the
National Guard
of Paris and they had gained control of the Jacobin club, where Brissot, absorbed in departmental work, had been superseded by Robespierre. At the
trial of Louis XVI
in 1792, most Girondins had voted for the "appeal to the people" and so laid themselves open to the charge of "royalism".
[
citation needed
]
They denounced the domination of Paris and summoned provincial levies to their aid and so fell under suspicion of "federalism" as on September 25, 1792.
[27]
They strengthened the revolutionary Commune by first decreeing its abolition but withdrawing the decree at the first sign of popular opposition.
In the suspicious temper of the times, their vacillation was fatal. Marat never ceased his denunciations of the faction by which France was being betrayed to her ruin and his cry of
Nous sommes trahis!
("We are betrayed!") was echoed from group to group in the streets of Paris.
[28]
The growing hostility of Paris to the Girondins received a fateful demonstration by the election on 15 February 1793 of the bitter ex-Girondin
Jean-Nicolas Pache
to the mayoralty. Pache had twice been minister of war in the Girondins government, but his incompetence had laid him open to strong criticism and on 4 February 1793 he had been replaced as minister of war by a vote of the Convention. This was enough to secure him the votes of the Paris electors when he was elected mayor ten days later. The Mountain was strengthened by the accession of a significant ally whose one idea was to use his new power to avenge himself on his former colleagues.
Mayor Pache, with
procureur
of the Commune
Pierre Gaspard Chaumette
and deputy
procureur
Jacques Rene Hebert
, controlled the armed militias of the 48
revolutionary Sections of Paris
and prepared to turn this weapon against the Convention.
[29]
The abortive
emeute
of 10 March warned the Girondins of their danger and they responded with defensive moves. They unintentionally increased the prestige of their most vocal and bitter critic Marat by prosecuting him before the
Revolutionary Tribunal
, where his acquittal in April 1793 was a foregone conclusion. The
Commission of Twelve
was appointed of on 24 May, including the arrest of Varlat and Hebert and other precautionary measures.
[30]
The ominous threat by Girondin leader
Maximin Isnard
, uttered on 25 May, to "march France upon Paris" was instead met by Paris marching hastily upon the Convention. The Girondin role in the government was undermined by the popular uprisings of 27 and 31 May and finally on 2 June 1793, when
Francois Hanriot
, head of the Paris National Guards, purged the Convention of the Girondins
(see
Insurrection of 31 May ? 2 June 1793
).
Reign of Terror
[
edit
]
A list drawn up by the Commandant-General of the Parisian National Guard
Francois Hanriot
(with help from Marat) and endorsed by a decree of the intimidated Convention, included 22 Girondin deputies and 10 of the 12 members of the
Commission of Twelve
, who were ordered to be detained at their lodgings "under the safeguard of the people". Some submitted, among them Gensonne, Guadet, Vergniaud, Petion,
Birotteau
and Boyer-Fonfrede. Others, including Brissot, Louvet, Buzot, Lasource, Grangeneuve, Lariviere and Francois Bergoeing, escaped from Paris and, joined later by Guadet, Petion and Birotteau, set to work to organise a movement of the provinces against the capital. This attempt to stir up civil war made the wavering and frightened Convention suddenly determined. On 13 June 1793, it voted that the city of Paris deserved well of the country and ordered the imprisonment of the detained deputies, the filling up of their places in the Assembly by their
suppleants
and the initiation of vigorous measures against the movement in the provinces. The assassination of Marat by
Charlotte Corday
on 13 July 1793 only served to increase the unpopularity of the Girondins and seal their fate.
[31]
The excuse for the Terror that followed was the imminent peril of France, menaced on the east by the advance of the armies of the
First Coalition
(Austria, Prussia and Great Britain) on the west by the Royalist
Revolt in the Vendee
and the need for preventing at all costs the outbreak of another civil war. On 28 July 1793, a decree of the Convention proscribed 21 deputies, five of whom were from the Gironde, as traitors and enemies of their country (
Charles-Louis Antiboul
, Boilleau the younger, Boyer-Fonfrede, Brissot, Carra, Gaspard-Severin Duchastel, the younger Ducos, Dufriche de Valaze, Jean Duprat, Fauchet, Gardien, Gensonne, Lacaze, Lasource, Claude Romain Lauze de Perret, Lehardi, Benoit Lesterpt-Beauvais, the elder Minvielle, the Marquis de Sillery, Vergniaud and Louis-Francois-Sebastien Viger). Those were sent to trial. Another 39 were included in the final
acte d'accusation
, accepted by the Convention on 24 October 1793, which stated the crimes for which they were to be tried as their perfidious ambition, their hatred of Paris, their "federalism" and above all their responsibility for the attempt of their escaped colleagues to provoke civil war.
[32]
[33]
1793 trial of Girondins
[
edit
]
The trial of the 22 began before the Revolutionary Tribunal on 24 October 1793. The verdict was a foregone conclusion. On 31 October, they were borne to the guillotine. It took 36 minutes to decapitate all of them, including
Charles Eleonor Dufriche de Valaze
, who had committed suicide the previous day upon hearing the sentence he was given.
[34]
Of those who escaped to the provinces, after wandering about singly or in groups most were either captured and executed or committed suicide. They included
Barbaroux
,
Buzot
,
Condorcet
, Grangeneuve,
Guadet
,
Kersaint
,
Petion
,
Rabaut de Saint-Etienne
and Rebecqui. Roland killed himself at
Rouen
on 15 November 1793, a week after the execution of his wife. A very few escaped, including
Jean-Baptiste Louvet de Couvrai
, whose
Memoires
give a detailed picture of the sufferings of the fugitives.
[35]
Girondins as martyrs
[
edit
]
The survivors of the party made an effort to re-enter the Convention after the fall of Robespierre on 27 July 1794, but it was not until 5 March 1795 that they were formally re-instated
[
citation needed
]
forming the
Council of Five Hundred
under
the Directory
.
[8]
On 3 October of that same year (11
Vendemiaire
, year IV), a solemn
fete
in honour of the Girondins, "martyrs of liberty", was celebrated in the Convention.
[36]
In her autobiography,
Madame Roland
reshapes her historical image by stressing the popular connection between sacrifice and female virtue. Her
Memoires de Madame Roland
(1795) was written from prison where she was held as a Girondin sympathizer. It covers her work for the Girondins while her husband
Jean-Marie Roland
was Interior Minister. The book echoes such popular novels as Rousseau's
Julie or the New Heloise
by linking her feminine virtue and motherhood to her sacrifice in a cycle of suffering and consolation. Roland says her mother's death was the impetus for her "odyssey from virtuous daughter to revolutionary heroine" as it introduced her to death and sacrifice?with the ultimate sacrifice of her own life for her political beliefs. She helped her husband escape, but she was executed on 8 November 1793. A week later he committed suicide.
[37]
A
monument to the Girondins
was erected in Bordeaux between 1893 and 1902 dedicated to the memory of the Girondin deputies who were victims of the Terror.
[38]
The vagueness of who actually made up the Girondins led to the monument not having any names inscribed on it until 1989.
[7]
Even then, the deputies to the Convention who were memorialized were only those hailing from the Gironde department, omitting notable people like Brissot and Madame Roland.
Ideology
[
edit
]
The words Girondin and Montagnard are defined as political groups?more specific definitions are the subject of theorizing by historians. The two words were much tossed about by partisans with various understandings of what they were intended to represent. The two groups lacked formal political structures, and the differences between them have never been satisfactorily explained. It has been suggested that the word Girondin as a useful term be abandoned.
Influenced by
classical liberalism
and the concepts of
democracy
,
human rights
and
Montesquieu
's
separation of powers
, the Girondins initially supported the
constitutional monarchy
, but after the
Flight to Varennes
in which
Louis XVI
tried to flee
Paris
in order to start a
counter-revolution
the Girondins became mostly
republicans
, with a
royalist
minority. Like the Jacobins, they were also influenced by the writings of
Jean-Jacques Rousseau
.
In its early times of government, the Gironde supported a
free market
- opposing price controls on goods (e.g., a 1793 maximum on grain prices),
[42]
supported by a
constitutional right
to
public assistance
for the poor and
public education
.
[
citation needed
]
With Brissot, they advocated exporting the Revolution through aggressive foreign policies including
war
against the surrounding European monarchies.
The Girondins were also one of the first supporters of
abolitionism in France
with Brissot leading the anti-slavery
Society of the Friends of the Blacks
.
[43]
Certain Girondins such as Condorcet supported
women's suffrage
and
political equality
.
They sat to the left of the centrist
[44]
Feuillants
, but later sat on the right of the National Assembly after the neutralization of the Feuillants.
[45]
They were the principal
conservative
political party in France at the time and opposed the radical course of the revolution, leading to the
Reign of Terror
.
[46]
Generally, historians divide the Convention into the left-wing Jacobin Montagnards, the centrist
The Plain
and the right-wing Girondins.
The Girondins supported
democratic reform
,
secularism
and a strong
legislature
at the expense of a weaker
executive
and
judiciary
as opposed to the authoritarian left-wing
Montagnards
, who supported public acknowledgement of a
Supreme Being
and a strong executive.
[47]
Prominent members
[
edit
]
Electoral results
[
edit
]
See also
[
edit
]
References
[
edit
]
Citations
[
edit
]
- ^
David Barry Gaspar; David Patrick Geggus (1997).
A Turbulent Time: The French Revolution and the Greater Caribbean
.
Indiana University Press
. p. 262.
- ^
a
b
c
"Girondin"
.
Encyclopædia Britannica
.
- ^
"Girondin"
.
Merriam-Webster.com Dictionary
. Retrieved
28 August
2019
.
- ^
a
b
c
d
Fremont-Barnes, Gregory, ed. (2007).
Encyclopedia of the Age of Political Revolutions and New Ideologies, 1760?1815
. Vol. 1. Westport, CT: Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 306.
ISBN
978-0313334450
.
- ^
Furet & Ozouf, p. 351.
- ^
a
b
Doyle, William (2013). Alex Fairfax-Cholmeley; Colin Jones (eds.).
"II.2. In Search of the Girondins"
(PDF)
.
E-France
.
4
(New Perspectives on the French Revolution). Reading, UK: University of Reading: 37.
ISSN
1756-0535
.
- ^
a
b
Chris Cook; John Paxton (1981).
European Political Facts 1789?1848
.
Palgrave Macmillan
. p. 10.
- ^
Bosher, pp. 185?191.
- ^
Thompson, James Matthew (1932).
Leaders Of The French Revolution
. Oxford: Basil Blackwell. p. 78.
- ^
Thomas Lalevee, "
National Pride and Republican grandezza: Brissot's New Language for International Politics in the French Revolution
Archived
2017-05-17 at the
Wayback Machine
",
French History and Civilisation
(Vol. 6), 2015, pp. 66?82.
- ^
a
b
Brace, Richard Munthe (April 1951). "General Dumouriez and the Girondins 1792?1793".
The American Historical Review
.
56
(3): 493?509.
doi
:
10.2307/1848434
.
JSTOR
1848434
.
- ^
Bill Edmonds, "'Federalism' and Urban Revolt in France in 1793",
Journal of Modern History
(1983) 55#1 pp. 22?53,
- ^
Le Logographe, 27 juillet 1792; 1 aout 1792; Gazette nationale ou le Moniteur universel, 2 aout 1792
- ^
Gazette nationale ou le Moniteur universel, 30 mai 1793, p. 3
- ^
Davidson, Ian (25 August 2016).
The French Revolution: From Enlightenment to Tyranny by Ian Davidson, p. viii
. Profile Books.
ISBN
978-1-84765-936-1
.
Archived
from the original on 30 December 2023
. Retrieved
27 September
2019
.
- ^
N. Hampson (1988) Prelude to Terror. The Constituent Assembly and the Failure of Consensus, 1789?1791, p. 113?114
- ^
Hardman, John (1999).
Robespierre
. Longman. pp. 56?57.
ISBN
978-0-582-43755-5
.
Archived
from the original on 7 November 2023
. Retrieved
15 August
2019
.
- ^
Linton, Marisa (2015) 'Come and dine': the dangers of conspicuous consumption in French revolutionary politics, 1789?95. European History Quarterly, 45(4), pp. 615?637. ISSN (print) 0265-6914
- ^
"Memoires de Charlotte Robespierre sur ses deux freres, p. 76"
(PDF)
.
Archived
from the original on 25 September 2019
. Retrieved
25 September
2019
.
- ^
Alderson, p. 9.
- ^
Gabourd, Amedee (1859).
Histoire de la revolution et de l'empire
(in French). Vol. 3. Paris: Jacques Lecoffre et Cie. pp. 10?12.
- ^
Jack Fruchtman Jr. (1996).
Thomas Paine: Apostle of Freedom
. Basic Books. p. 303.
ISBN
978-1568580630
.
[
permanent dead link
]
- ^
Oliver, pp. 55?56.
- ^
"Mocavo and Findmypast are coming together | findmypast.com"
.
www.findmypast.com
.
- ^
Linton, pp. 174?175.
- ^
D.M.G. Sutherland,
France 1789?1815. Revolution and Counter-Revolution
(2nd ed. 2003) ch. 5.
- ^
Schama, ch. 18.
- ^
Schama, pp. 803?805.
- ^
Oliver, pp. 83?89.
- ^
Domingo Faustino Sarmiento (2005).
Recollections of a Provincial Past
. Oxford UP. p. 274.
ISBN
978-0195113693
.
- ^
Lesley H. Walker, "Sweet and Consoling Virtue: The Memoirs of Madame Roland",
Eighteenth-Century Studies
(2001) 34#3 pp 403?419
- ^
"Monument eleve a la memoire des Girondins"
. POP : la plateforme ouverte du patrimoine, Ministere de la Culture.
- ^
Schama, Simon
(1989).
Citizens: A Chronicle of the French Revolution
. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. p. 719.
ISBN
0-394-55948-7
.
- ^
Guadet, J (1889).
Les Girondins; leur vie privee, leur vie publique, leur proscription et leur mort
. Paris: Perrin et Cie. p. 30.
- ^
Israel, Jonathan (2014).
Revolutionary Ideas: An Intellectual History of the French Revolution from The Rights of Man to Robespierre
. Princeton University Press. p. 222.
- ^
Luca Einaudi (September 2015).
"The Early Symbols of Political Parties During the French revolution"
.
Joint Centre for History and Economics, Magdalene College and King's College
.
University of Cambridge
.
- ^
Reilly, Benjamin. "Polling the Opinions: A Reexamination of Mountain, Plain, and Gironde in the National Convention". Social Science History, vol. 28, no. 1, 2004, pp. 53?73.
doi
:
10.2307/40267833
. Accessed 7 Dec. 2020.
- ^
Jonathan Israel (2015).
Revolutionary Ideas: An Intellectual History of the French Revolution from The Rights of Man to Robespierre
.
[
ISBN missing
]
General bibliography
[
edit
]
- Alderson, Robert J. (2008).
This Bright Era of Happy Revolutions: French Consul Michel-Ange-Bernard Mangourit and International Republicanism in Charleston, 1792?1794
. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press.
ISBN
978-1570037450
.
- Bosher, John F. (1989) [1988].
The French Revolution
. New York: W.W. Norton.
ISBN
039395997X
.
- Furet, Francois
; Ozouf, Mona, eds. (1989).
A Critical Dictionary of the French Revolution
. Translated by Arthur Goldhammer. Cambridge: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press.
ISBN
0674177282
.
- Hampson, Norman (1974).
The Life and Opinions of Maximilien Robespierre
. Duckworth.
ISBN
978-0-7156-0741-1
.
- Linton, Marisa
(2013).
Choosing Terror: Virtue, Friendship, and Authenticity in the French Revolution
. New York: Oxford University Press.
ISBN
978-0199576302
.
- Oliver, Bette W. (2009).
Orphans on the Earth: Girondin Fugitives from the Terror, 1793?94
. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books.
ISBN
978-0739140680
.
- Schama, Simon
(1989).
Citizens: A Chronicle of the French Revolution
. New York: Vintage.
ISBN
0679726101
.
Attribution:
Further reading
[
edit
]
- Brace, Richard Munthe. "General Dumouriez and the Girondins 1792?1793",
American Historical Review
(1951) 56#3 pp. 493?509.
JSTOR
1848434
.
- de Luna, Frederick A. "The 'Girondins' Were Girondins, After All",
French Historical Studies
(1988) 15: 506?518.
JSTOR
286372
.
- DiPadova, Theodore A. "The Girondins and the Question of Revolutionary Government",
French Historical Studies
(1976) 9#3 pp. 432?450
JSTOR
286230
.
- Ellery, Eloise.
Brissot De Warville: A Study in the History of the French Revolution
(1915)
excerpt and text search
.
- Francois Furet and Mona Ozouf. eds.
La Gironde et les Girondins
. Paris: editions Payot, 1991.
- Higonnet, Patrice. "The Social and Cultural Antecedents of Revolutionary Discontinuity: Montagnards and Girondins",
English Historical Review
(1985): 100#396 pp. 513?544
JSTOR
568234
.
- Thomas Lalevee, "
National Pride and Republican grandezza: Brissot's New Language for International Politics in the French Revolution
",
French History and Civilisation
(Vol. 6), 2015, pp. 66?82.
- Lamartine, Alphonse de.
History of the Girondists, Volume I: Personal Memoirs of the Patriots of the French Revolution
(1847)
online free in Kindle edition
;
Volume 1
,
Volume 2
,
Volume 3
.
- Lewis-Beck, Michael S., Anne Hildreth, and Alan B. Spitzer. "Was There a Girondist Faction in the National Convention, 1792?1793?"
French Historical Studies
(1988) 11#4 pp.: 519?536.
JSTOR
286373
.
- Linton, Marisa,
Choosing Terror: Virtue, Friendship and Authenticity in the French Revolution
(Oxford University Press, 2013).
- Loomis, Stanley
,
Paris in the Terror
. (1964).
- Patrick, Alison. "Political Divisions in the French National Convention, 1792?93".
Journal of Modern History
(Dec. 1969) 41#4, pp. 422?474.
JSTOR
1878003
; rejects Sydenham's argument & says Girondins were a real faction.
- Patrick, Alison
.
The Men of the First French Republic: Political Alignments in the National Convention of 1792
(1972), comprehensive study of the group's role.
- Scott, Samuel F., and Barry Rothaus.
Historical Dictionary of the French Revolution 1789?1799
(1985) Vol. 1 pp. 433?436
online
Archived
2020-05-05 at the
Wayback Machine
.
- Sutherland, D. M. G.
France 1789?1815: Revolution and Counter-Revolution
(2nd ed., 2003) ch. 5.
[
ISBN missing
]
- Sydenham, Michael J. "The Montagnards and Their Opponents: Some Considerations on a Recent Reassessment of the Conflicts in the French National Convention, 1792?93",
Journal of Modern History
(1971) 43#2 pp. 287?293
JSTOR
1876547
; argues that the Girondins faction was mostly a myth created by Jacobins.
- Whaley, Leigh Ann.
Radicals: Politics and Republicanism in the French Revolution
. Gloucestershire, England: Sutton Publishing, 2000.
[
ISBN missing
]
External links
[
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]
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