16th century epidemics in New Spain
The
Cocoliztli Epidemic
or
the Great Pestilence
was an outbreak of a mysterious illness characterized by high fevers and bleeding which caused 5?15 million deaths in
New Spain
during the 16th century. The
Aztec
people called it
cocoliztli
,
Nahuatl
for pestilence. It ravaged the
Mexican
highlands in
epidemic proportions
, resulting in the demographic collapse of some Indigenous populations.
[2]
[3]
Based on the death toll, this outbreak is often referred to as the worst epidemic in the history of Mexico.
[4]
Subsequent outbreaks continued to baffle both Spanish and native doctors, with little consensus among modern researchers on the
pathogenesis
. However, recent
bacterial genomic
studies have suggested that
Salmonella
, specifically a
serotype
of
Salmonella enterica
known as Paratyphi C, was at least partially responsible for this initial outbreak.
[5]
Others believe
cocoliztli
was caused by an indigenous
viral hemorrhagic fever
, perhaps exacerbated by the worst
droughts
to affect that region in 500 years and poor living conditions for
Indigenous peoples of Mexico
following the
Spanish conquest
(
c.
1519).
[3]
History
[
edit
]
At least 12 epidemics are attributed to
cocoliztli
, with the largest occurring in 1545, 1576, 1736, and 1813.
[7]
Soto
et al.
have hypothesized that a sizeable hemorrhagic fever outbreak could have contributed to the earlier
collapse of the Classic Mayan civilization
(AD 750?950).
[8]
However, most experts believe other factors, including climate change, played a larger role.
[9]
[10]
Cocoliztli
epidemics usually occurred within two years of a major drought. The epidemic in 1576 occurred after a drought stretching from
Venezuela
to
Canada
.
[11]
[7]
Proponents of the viral theory of
cocoliztli
suggest the relationship between drought and outbreak may reflect increased numbers of
rodents
carrying
viral hemorrhagic fever
during the rains that followed the drought.
[6]
Cocoliztli
seemed to preferentially, but not exclusively, target native people.
[2]
[3]
[11]
Gonzalo de Ortiz, an
encomendero
, wrote
"envio Dios tal enfermedad sobre ellos que de quarto partes de indios que avia se llevo las tres"
(God sent down such sickness upon the Indians that three out of every four of them perished).
[12]
Accounts by
Toribio de Benavente Motolinia
, an early Spanish missionary, seem to contradict Ortiz’s sentiment by suggesting that 60?90% of
New Spain
's total population decreased, regardless of ethnicity.
[4]
However, the modern consensus is that Indigenous people were most affected by
cocoliztli
, followed by Africans.
[13]
Europeans experienced lower mortality rates than other groups.
[13]
One noteworthy European casualty of
cocoliztli
was
Bernardino de Sahagun
, a Spanish clergyman and author of the
Florentine Codex
, who contracted the disease in 1546.
[4]
[14]
Sahagun suffered
cocoliztli
a second time in 1590 and subsequently died.
[14]
Sources and vectors
[
edit
]
The social and physical environment of Colonial Mexico was likely key in allowing the outbreak of 1545?1548 to reach the heights that it did. Following the conquest, the Spanish colonists forced the Aztecs and other Indigenous peoples onto easily governable
reducciones
(congregations) that focused on agricultural production and conversion to Christianity.
[15]
[16]
Weakened by war and chronic disease outbreaks, the native peoples' health suffered further under the new system.
[16]
The
reducciones
brought people and animals in much closer contact with one another. Animals imported from the Old World were potential disease vectors for illnesses.
[17]
The Aztecs and other Indigenous groups affected by the outbreak were disadvantaged due to their
lack of exposure
to
zoonotic diseases
.
[17]
Given that many Old World pathogens may have caused the
cocoliztli
outbreak, it is significant that all but two of the most common species of domestic mammalian
livestock
(
llamas
and
alpacas
being the exceptions) come from the Old World.
[18]
At the same time, droughts plagued Central America, with
tree-ring data
showing that the outbreak occurred during a
megadrought
.
[3]
The lack of water may have worsened sanitation and hygiene. Megadroughts were reported before both the 1545 and 1576 outbreaks.
[3]
Additionally, periodic rains during a supposed megadrought, such as those hypothesized for shortly before 1545, would have increased the presence of New World rats and mice.
[19]
These animals may have carried
arenaviruses
capable of causing hemorrhagic fevers.
[20]
The effects of drought and crowded settlements could explain disease transmission, especially if feces spread the pathogen.
[21]
Extent
[
edit
]
Scholars suspect
cocoliztli
emerged in the southern and central Mexico Highlands, near modern-day
Puebla City
.
[4]
Shortly after its initial onset, however, it may have spread as far north as
Sinaloa
[22]
and as south as
Chiapas
and
Guatemala
, where it was called
gucumatz
.
[12]
It may have spread to
South America
to
Ecuador
[23]
and
Peru
,
[24]
although it is hard to be certain that the same disease was described. The outbreak seemed to be limited to higher elevations, as it was nearly absent from coastal regions at sea level, e.g., the plains along the
Gulf of Mexico
and
Pacific coast
.
[3]
Symptoms
[
edit
]
Although symptomatic descriptions of
cocoliztli
are similar to those of
Old World
diseases, including
measles
,
yellow fever
, and
typhus
, many researchers recognize it as a separate disease.
[5]
[19]
[25]
According to
Francisco Hernandez de Toledo
, a physician who witnessed the outbreak in 1576, symptoms included high fever, severe headache,
vertigo
, black tongue, dark urine,
dysentery
, severe abdominal and chest pain, head and neck nodules, neurological disorders,
jaundice
, and profuse
bleeding
from the nose, eyes, and mouth.
[3]
Some also describe spotted skin,
gastrointestinal hemorrhaging
, leading to bloody diarrhea, and bleeding from the eyes, mouth, and vagina.
[25]
[26]
The onset was rapid and without any
precursors that would suggest one was sick
. The disease was characterized by an extremely high level of
virulence
, with death often occurring within a week of the first symptoms, occasionally in as few as 3 or 4 days.
[3]
[27]
Due to the virulence and effectiveness of the disease, recognizing its existence in the
archaeological record
has been difficult. This is because
cocoliztli
, and other diseases that work rapidly, usually do not leave impacts (lesions) on the decedent's bones, despite causing significant damage to the
gastrointestinal
,
respiratory
, and other bodily systems.
[28]
Causes
[
edit
]
Numerous 16th-century accounts detail the outbreak's devastation, but the symptoms do not match any known pathogen. Shortly after 1548, the Spanish started calling the disease
tabardillo
(typhus), which the Spanish had recognized since the late 15th century.
[19]
However, the symptoms of
cocoliztli
were still not identical to the typhus or spotted fever observed in the Old World.
Francisco Hernandez de Toledo
, a Spanish physician, insisted on using the Nahuatl word when describing the disease to correspondents in the Old World.
[19]
In 1970, a historian named Germaine Somolinos d'Ardois looked systematically at the proposed explanations, including hemorrhagic influenza,
leptospirosis
,
malaria
, typhus,
typhoid
, and yellow fever.
[25]
According to Somolinos d'Ardois, none of these quite matched the 16th-century accounts of
cocoliztli
, leading him to conclude the disease was a result of a "viral process of hemorrhagic influence." In other words, Somolinos d'Ardois believed
cocoliztli
was not the result of any known Old World pathogen but possibly a virus of
New World
origins.
[25]
There are accounts of similar diseases striking Mexico in
pre-Columbian
times. The
Codex Chimalpopoca
states that an outbreak of bloody diarrhea occurred in
Colhuacan
in 1320.
[29]
If the disease was indigenous, it was perhaps exacerbated by the worst
droughts
to affect that region in 500 years and living conditions for
Indigenous peoples of Mexico
in the wake of the
Spanish conquest
(
c.
1519).
[3]
Some historians have suggested
cocoliztli
was
typhus
,
measles
, or
smallpox
, though the symptoms do not match.
[30]
Marr and Kiracofe attempted to build off this work by reexamining Hernandez's account of
cocoliztli
and comparing them with various clinical descriptions of other diseases.
[19]
They suggested that scholars consider New World arenaviruses and the role these pathogens may have played in colonial disease outbreaks. Marr and Kiracofe theorized that
arenaviruses
, mainly affecting rodents,
[20]
were not prominent in the
pre-Columbian
Americas.
[19]
Consequently, rat and mice infestations brought upon by the arrival of the Spanish may have, combined with climatic and landscape change, brought these arenaviruses into much closer contact with people. Some subsequent research has focused on the
viral hemorrhagic fever
diagnosis, placing increasing interest in the geographic spread of the disease.
[27]
In 2018,
Johannes Krause
, an evolutionary geneticist at the
Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History
, and colleagues discovered new evidence for an Old World culprit. DNA samples from the teeth of 29 sixteenth-century skeletons in the Oaxaca region of Mexico were identified as belonging to a rare strain of the bacterium
Salmonella enterica
(subsp.
enterica
)
which causes
paratyphoid fever
, suggesting that paratyphoid was the underlying fever behind the disease.
[31]
[32]
The team extracted
ancient DNA
from the teeth of 29 individuals buried at Teposcolula-Yucundaa in
Oaxaca
, Mexico. The Contact-era site has the only cemetery to be conclusively linked to victims of the outbreak of 1545?1548. The researchers recognized nonlocal microbial infections using the MEGAN alignment tool (MALT), a program that attempts to match fragments of extracted DNA with a database of bacterial genomes.
[13]
Within ten individuals, they identified
Salmonella enterica
subsp.
enterica
serovar Paratyphi C, which causes
enteric fevers
in humans.
[33]
This strain of
Salmonella
is unique to humans and was not found in any soil samples or pre-contact individuals that were used as controls. Enteric fevers, also known as typhoid or
paratyphoid
, are similar to typhus and were only distinguished from one another in the 19th century.
[34]
Today, S. Paratyphi C continues to cause enteric fevers and, if untreated, has a mortality rate up to 15%.
[35]
Infections are primarily limited to
developing nations
in Africa and Asia, although enteric fevers, in general, are still a health threat worldwide.
[36]
Infections with S. Paratyphi C are rare, as most cases reported (about 27 million in 2000) resulted from serovars S. Typhi and S. Paratyphi A.
[5]
The recent discovery of S. Paratyphi C within a 13th-century
Norwegian
cemetery supports these findings.
[37]
A young female, who likely died from enteric fever, is proof that the pathogen was present in Europe over 300 years before the epidemics in Mexico. Thus, healthy carriers may have brought the bacteria to the New World, where it thrived. Generations of contact with the strain likely aided those who unknowingly carried the bacteria, as it is believed that S. Paratyphi C may have first transferred over to humans from swine in the Old World during or shortly after the
Neolithic
period.
[37]
Evolutionary geneticist, Maria Avila-Arcos, has questioned this evidence since
S. enterica's
symptoms are poorly matched with the disease.
[38]
[39]
[35]
Avila-Arcos, Krause’s team, and authors of earlier historical analyses
point out that
RNA viruses
, among other non-bacterial pathogens, have not been investigated. Others have noted that certain symptoms described, including gastrointestinal hemorrhaging, are not present in current observations of S. Paratyphi C infections.
[21]
Ultimately, a more definitive proposal for the cause of any of the
cocoliztli
epidemics of 1545?1548 and 1576?1581 awaits further developments in ancient RNA analysis, and the causes of different outbreaks may differ.
[41]
Effects
[
edit
]
Death toll
[
edit
]
Beyond the estimations done by Motolinia and others for New Spain, most of the death toll figures cited for the outbreak of 1545?1548 are concerned with Aztec populations. Around 800,000 died in the
Valley of Mexico
, which led to the widespread abandonment of many Indigenous sites in the area during or shortly after this four-year period.
[26]
Estimates for the entire number of human lives lost during this epidemic have ranged from 5 to 15 million people,
[2]
making it one of the
most deadly disease outbreaks of all time
.
[3]
Other
[
edit
]
The effects of the outbreak extended beyond just a loss in terms of population. The lack of Indigenous labor led to a sizeable food shortage, affecting the natives and the Spanish colonists.
The death of many Aztecs due to the epidemic led to a void in land ownership, with Spanish colonists of all backgrounds looking to exploit these now vacant lands.
Coincidentally, the Spanish Emperor,
Charles V
, had been seeking a way to disempower the
encomenderos
and establish a more efficient and "ethical" settlement system.
[43]
Starting around the end of the outbreak in 1549, the
encomederos
, impacted by the loss in profits resulting and unable to meet the demands of New Spain, were forced to comply with the new
tasaciones
(regulations).
The new ordinances, known as
Leyes Nuevas
,
aimed to limit the amount of
tribute
encomenderos
could demand while also prohibiting them from exercising absolute control over the labor force.
[44]
Simultaneously, non-
encomenderos
began claiming lands lost by the
encomenderos
, as well as the labor provided by the Indigenous people. This developed into implementing the
repartimiento
system, which sought to institute a higher level of oversight within the Spanish colonies and maximize the overall tribute extracted for public and crown use.
Rules regarding tribute itself were also changed in response to the epidemic of 1545, as fears over future food shortages ran rampant among the Spanish. By 1577, after years of debate and a second major outbreak of
cocoliztli
,
maize
and money were designated as the only two forms of acceptable tribute.
[26]
Jennifer Scheper Hughes has argued that after decades of minimal success in Mexico, European missionaries were facing a crisis of faith.
[45]
Indigenous Catholics, in contrast, turned to the Church, finding power, influence, and their own forms of worship.
[45]
Later outbreaks
[
edit
]
A second large outbreak of
cocoliztli
occurred in 1576, lasting until about 1580. Although less destructive than its predecessor, causing approximately two million deaths, this outbreak appears in much greater detail in colonial accounts.
[25]
Many of the descriptions of
cocoliztli
symptoms, beyond the bleeding, fevers, and jaundice, were recorded during this epidemic. There are 13 cocoliztli epidemics cited in Spanish accounts between 1545 and 1642, with a later outbreak in 1736 taking a similar form but referred to as
tlazahuatl
.
[27]
See also
[
edit
]
Citations
[
edit
]
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doi
:
10.1086/SCJ20477694
.
S2CID
155134804
.
- ^
Prem, Hanns (1992). "Spanish colonization and Indian property in central Mexico, 1521?1620".
Annals of the Association of American Geographers
.
82
(3): 444?459.
doi
:
10.1111/j.1467-8306.1992.tb01969.x
.
- ^
a
b
Hughes, Jennifer Scheper (2021).
The church of the dead : the epidemic of 1576 and the birth of Christianity in the Americas
. New York.
ISBN
978-1-4798-0255-5
.
OCLC
1201178698
.
{{
cite book
}}
: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (
link
)
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