Political movement
Anarchism in Spain
has historically gained some support and influence, especially before
Francisco Franco
's victory in the
Spanish Civil War
of 1936?1939, when it played an active political role and is considered the end of the golden age of
classical anarchism
.
There were several variants of
anarchism
in Spain, namely
expropriative anarchism
in the period leading up to the conflict, the peasant anarchism in the countryside of
Andalusia
; urban
anarcho-syndicalism
in
Catalonia
, particularly its capital
Barcelona
; and what is sometimes called "pure" anarchism in other cities such as
Zaragoza
. However, these were complementary trajectories and had many
ideological
similarities. Early on, the success of the anarchist movement was sporadic. Anarchists would organize a
strike
and ranks would swell. Usually, repression by police reduced the numbers again, but at the same time further
radicalized
many strikers. This cycle helped lead to an era of mutual violence at the beginning of the 20th century in which armed anarchists and
pistoleros
, armed men paid by company owners, were both responsible for political assassinations.
In the 20th century, this violence began to fade, and the movement gained speed with the rise of anarcho-syndicalism and the creation of the huge
libertarian
trade union
, the
Confederacion Nacional del Trabajo
(CNT).
General strikes
became common, and large portions of the Spanish working class adopted anarchist ideas. There also emerged a small
individualist anarchist
movement based on publications such as
Iniciales
and
La Revista Blanca
.
The
Federacion Anarquista Iberica
(FAI) was created as a purely anarchist association, with the intention of keeping the CNT focused on the principles of anarchism.
Anarchists played a central role in the fight against Francisco Franco during the Spanish Civil War. At the same time, a far-reaching
social revolution
spread throughout Spain, where land and factories were
collectivized
and controlled by the workers. All remaining social reforms ended in 1939 with the victory of Franco, who had thousands of anarchists executed.
Resistance
to his rule never entirely died, with resilient militants participating in acts of
sabotage
and other
direct action
after the war, and making several attempts on the ruler's life. Their legacy remains important to this day, particularly to anarchists who look at their achievements as a
historical precedent of anarchism's validity
.
History
[
edit
]
Beginning
[
edit
]
In the mid-19th century, revolutionary ideas were generally unknown in Spain. There was a history of peasant unrest in some parts of the country, but this was not related to any political movement, rather it was borne out of circumstances. The same was true in the cities; long before workers were familiar with
anarcho-syndicalism
, there were
general strikes
and other
conflicts between workers and their employers
.
The closest thing to a radical movement was found amongst the followers of the ideas laid out by the French anarchist
Pierre-Joseph Proudhon
.
Mutualism
had a considerable influence on the Spanish
cooperativist movement
, which advocated for a peaceful and gradualist approach to defeating
capitalism
, as well as the
federalist movement
, which envisioned a society of local municipalities joining together and coordinating without any need for a centralized government.
The most influential proponent of mutualism in Spain was the federal republican
Francesc Pi i Margall
(named, upon his death, "the wisest of the federalists, almost an anarchist" by anarchist thinker
Ricardo Mella
), who in his book
Reaccion y Revolucion
wrote that "every man who has power over another is a tyrant" and called for the "division and subdivision of power".
Another disciple of Proudhon was
Ramon de la Sagra
, who founded the world's first anarchist journal
El Porvenir
, which was published for a brief time in
Galicia
.
[4]
Mutualism subsequently gained widespread popularity throughout Spain, becoming the dominant tendency within the Spanish federal republican movement by the 1860s.
It was around this time that the
revolutionary socialist
ideas of
Mikhail Bakunin
, based in
collectivism
, a focus on
direct action
and a militant
anti-clericalism
, also began to rise to prominence in Spain.
The earliest successful attempt to introduce anarchism to the Spanish masses was undertaken by a middle-aged Italian revolutionary named
Giuseppe Fanelli
.
An early partisan of the
Young Italy
movement, during the
Italian Revolution
Fanelli had given up his career to participate in the
Risorgimento
under the command of
Giuseppe Garibaldi
and
Giuseppe Mazzini
. After the
proclamation
of the unified
Kingdom of Italy
in 1861, Fanelli was
elected
to the
Italian Parliament
as part of Mazzini's
far-left coalition
, before meeting Bakunin and becoming an anarchist.
Following the
Glorious Revolution
and the beginning of the
Sexenio Democratico
in 1868, the new
Provisional Government
declared the right to
freedom of association
, allowing Spanish workers' societies to begin re-emerging from the secrecy that they had previously lived under.
[8]
Bakunin took this as an opportunity to sponsor Fanelli on a journey to Spain in order to recruit members for the
International Workingmen's Association
(IWA),
an
international organization
that aimed to unify groups working for the benefit of the working class. Arriving in
Barcelona
on a shoestring budget, Fanelli met with and borrowed money from
Elie Reclus
, in order to finance his trip to
Madrid
, where he met with the owner of the federal republican newspaper
La Igualdad
and was put in touch with a group of radical workers.
Giuseppe Fanelli
and the Spanish internationalist
nucleo
which was to form the Madrid section of the
International Workingmen's Association
(IWA).
Fanelli spoke in French and Italian, so those present could only understand bits of what he was saying, except for one man,
Tomas Gonzalez Morago
, who knew French. Nevertheless, Fanelli was able to convey his libertarian and anti-capitalist ideas to the audience.
Anselmo Lorenzo
gave an account of his oratory: "His voice had a metallic tone and was susceptible to all the inflexions appropriate to what he was saying, passing rapidly from accents of anger and menace against tyrants and exploiters to take on those of suffering, regret and consolation...we could understand his expressive mimicry and follow his speech."
These workers, longing for something more than the mild
radicalism
of the day, became the core of the Spanish Anarchist movement, quickly spreading "the Idea" across Spain. The oppressed and marginalized working classes were very susceptible to an ideology attacking institutions they perceived to be oppressive, namely the
state
,
capitalism
and
organized religion
.
As a result, all the workers that were present at the meeting declared themselves in support of the International and Fanelli subsequently extended his stay in the city, holding "propaganda sessions" with the nascent anarchist adherents - paying particular attention to Anselmo Lorenzo. On January 24, 1869, Fanelli held his last meeting with the anarchist workers of Madrid, in which they declared the establishment of the Madrid section of the IWA.
Fanelli explained his decision to leave Spain was so that the anarchists there could develop themselves and their groups "by their own efforts, with their own values," in order to maintain
spontaneity
,
plurality
and
individuality
within the
workers' movement
.
The anarchists of the Madrid section subsequently began to spread their ideas by holding meetings, giving speeches, and publishing their newspaper
La Solidaridad
. By 1870, the Madrid chapter of the International had gained roughly 2,000 members.
Rafael Farga i Pellicer
, early leader of the Catalan anarchist movement and the
Spanish Regional Federation of the IWA
.
Fanelli then returned to Barcelona where he held another meeting, attracting a number of more radical students such as
Rafael Farga i Pellicer
to the idea of anarchism,
which subsequently gained a much larger following in Barcelona, already a bastion of
proletarian
rebellion,
Luddism
, and
trade unionism
.
In May 1869, Farga i Pellicer spearheaded the establishment of the Barcelona section of the IWA, which began to advocate for socialism within the structures that had already been set up by the
1868 Barcelona Workers' Congress
. The IWA's influence was thereby extended to a number of workers' societies and the federal republican newspaper
La Federacion
, quickly bringing thousands of workers under the anarchist banner.
Farga i Pellicer even went on to participate in the International's
Basel Congress
as a delegate for the Spanish sections, where he joined Bakunin's "
International Alliance of Socialist Democracy
".
Anarchism had soon taken root throughout Spain, in
villages
and in
cities
, and in scores of autonomous organizations.
Many of the rural
pueblos
were already anarchic in structure prior to the spread of "anarchist" ideas.
In February 1870, the Madrid section of the IWA published in
La Solidaridad
a call for all Spanish sections to convene a national workers' congress, which was eventually decided would be held in Barcelona.
An etching of the
1870 Barcelona Workers' Congress
On June 18, 1870, the
First Spanish Workers' Congress
convened at the
Teatro Circo Barcelones
, where delegates from 150 workers' associations met, along with thousands of common workers observing ("occupying every seat, filling the hallways, and spilling out beyond the entrance".
The agenda was closely guided by the anarchists around Rafael Farga i Pellicer, who opened the congress with a declaration against the state and proposed an distinctly anarchist program for the
Spanish Regional Federation of the IWA
(
Spanish
:
Federacion Regional Espanola de la Asociacion Internacional de Trabajadores
, FRE-AIT).
Despite the clear dominance of anarchism within the Congress, there also existed three other main tendencies: the "
associatarians
" that were interested in the cultivation of
cooperatives
, the "
politicians
" that wanted to mobilize workers to participate in elections, and the "pure-and-simple"
trade unionists
that were focused on immediate workplace struggles.
There was a particularly sharp conflict between the anarchists, who advocated for
abstentionism
and
direct action
, and the "politicians", during which congress took a line of compromise regarding electoralism: allowing individual members to participate in elections if they wished, but also committing itself officially to abstentionism and anti-statism.
Congress also adopted a "dual structure" for the FRE-AIT whereby workers would be organized into both trade unions based on their profession and local federations based on their location, which could then federate together from the bottom-up, laying an
anti-bureaucratic
and
decentralist
foundation for
syndicalism
in Spain.
Socialists and liberals within the Spanish Federation sought to reorganize Spain in 1871 into five trade sections with various committees and councils. Many anarchists within the group felt that this was contrary to their belief in
decentralization
. A year of conflict ensued, in which the anarchists fought the "Authoritarians" within the Federation and eventually expelled them in 1872. In the same year, Mikhail Bakunin was expelled from the International by the Marxists, who were the majority. Anarchists, seeing the hostility from previous allies on the
Left
, reshaped the nature of their movement in Spain. The Spanish Federation became decentralized, now dependent on action from rank-and-file workers rather than bureaucratic councils; that is, a group structured according to anarchist principles.
Early turmoil of 1873?1900
[
edit
]
In the region of
Alcoy
, workers struck in 1873 for the
eight-hour day
following much agitation from the anarchists. The conflict turned to violence when police fired on an unarmed crowd, which caused workers to storm City Hall in response. Dozens were dead on each side when the violence ended. Sensational stories were made up by the press about atrocities that never took place: priests crucified, men doused in gasoline and set on fire, etc.
[23]
The events became known as the
Petroleum Revolution
.
This was followed by the
Cantonal rebellion
, during which several independent cantons rose against the
First Spanish Republic
. Anarchism had a considerable influence in this series of insurrections especially in the
Canton of Cartagena
, which was the only canton to last more than a few days.
[24]
[25]
The government quickly moved to suppress the Spanish Federation. Meeting halls were shut down, members jailed, and publications banned. Until around the start of the 20th century,
proletarian
anarchism remained relatively fallow in Spain.
However, anarchist ideas remained popular in the rural countryside, where destitute peasants waged a lengthy series of unsuccessful rebellions in attempts to create
anarchist communism
. Throughout the 1870s, the Spanish Federation drew most of its members from the peasant areas of
Andalusia
after the decline of its urban following. In the early 1870s, a section of the International was formed in
Cordoba
, forming a necessary link between the urban and rural movements.
These small gains were largely destroyed by State repression, which by the mid-1870s had forced the entire movement underground. The Spanish Federation faded away, and conventional
trade unionism
for a while began to replace revolutionary action, although anarchists remained abundant and their ideas not forgotten; the liberal nature of this period was perhaps borne out of despair rather than disagreement with revolutionary ideas. Anarchists were left to act as
tigres solitarios
(roughly "lone tigers"); attempts at mass organization, as in the
Pact of Union and Solidarity
, had some ephemeral success but were destined to failure.
Fermin Salvochea
Six people died in June 1896
when a bomb was thrown at the Barcelona Corpus Christi procession
. Police attributed the act to anarchists who met with the severest repression. As many as 400 people were brought to the dungeons of
Montjuic Castle
in Barcelona. International outrage followed reports that the prisoners were brutally tortured: men hanged from ceilings, genitals twisted and burned, fingernails ripped out. Several died before being brought to trial, and five were eventually executed. In 1897, the Italian anarchist
Michele Angiolillo
assassinated the
Prime Minister of Spain
,
Antonio Canovas del Castillo
, in part as retaliation for the repression in Barcelona.
The anarchist idea was propagated by many periodicals like
El Socialismo
started by
Fermin Salvochea
. Salvochea is considered one of the earliest pioneers in the propagation and organization along anarchist lines.
[26]
Rise of the CNT
[
edit
]
The anarchist movement lacked a stable national organization in its early years. Anarchist Juan Gomez Casas discusses the evolution of anarchist organization before the creation of the CNT: "After a period of dispersion, the
Federation of Workers of the Spanish Region
disappeared, to be replaced by the
Anarchist Organization of the Spanish Region
.... This organization then changed, in 1890, into the Solidarity and Assistance Pact, which was itself dissolved in 1896 because of repressive legislation against anarchism and broke into many nuclei and autonomous workers' societies.... The scattered remains of the FRE gave rise to
Solidaridad Obrera
in 1907, the immediate antecedent of the [CNT]."
There was a consensus amongst anarchists in the early 20th century that a new, national labor organization was needed to bring coherency and strength to their movement. This organization, named the
Confederacion Nacional del Trabajo
(CNT) was formed in October 1910 during a congress of
Solidaridad Obrera
. During this congress, a resolution was passed declaring that the purpose of the CNT would be to "hasten the integral economic emancipation of the entire working class through the revolutionary expropriation of the bourgeoisie...." The CNT started off fairly small, with about 30,000 members across various unions and confederations.
The national confederation was split into smaller regional ones, which were again broken down into smaller trade unions. Despite this many-tiered structure, bureaucracy was consciously avoided. Initiatives for decisions came largely from the individual unions. There were no paid officials; all positions were staffed by common workers. Decisions made by the national delegations did not have to be followed. The CNT was in these respects quite different from the comparatively rigid socialist unions.
A general strike was called a mere five days after its founding by triumphant, and perhaps overzealous, workers. It spread across several cities throughout Spain; in one city, workers took over the community and killed the mayor. Troops moved into all major cities and the strike was quickly crushed. The CNT was declared an illegal organization, and thus went underground only a week after its founding. A few years later it continued with overt strike actions, as in the general strike organized in tandem with the Socialist-dominated UGT (a rare occurrence, as the two groups were usually at odds) to protest the rising cost of living.
CNT following World War I
[
edit
]
Spain's economy suffered upon the decline of the wartime economy. Factories closed, unemployment soared and wages declined. Expecting class conflict, especially in light of the then recent
Russian Revolution
, much of the capitalist class began a bitter war against unions, particularly the CNT.
Lockouts
became more frequent. Known militants were
blacklisted
.
Pistoleros
, or assassins, were hired to kill union leaders. Scores, perhaps hundreds, of anarchists were murdered during this time period. Anarchists responded in turn with a number of assassinations, the most famous of which is the murder of Prime Minister
Eduardo Dato Iradier
.
The CNT, by this time, had as many as a million members. It retained its focus on direct action and syndicalism; this meant that revolutionary currents in Spain were no longer on the fringe, but very much in the mainstream. While it would be false to say that the CNT was entirely anarchist, the prevailing sentiment undoubtedly leaned in that direction. Every member elected to the "National Committee" was an overt anarchist. Most rank and file members espoused anarchist ideas. Indeed, much of Spain seemed to be radiant with revolutionary fervor; along with waves of general strikes (as well as mostly successful strikes with specific demands), it was not uncommon to see anarchist literature floating around ordinary places or common workers discussing revolutionary ideas. One powerful opponent from the upper classes (Diaz del Moral) claims that "the total working population" was overcome with the spirit of revolt, that "all were agitators."
Whereas anarchism in Spain was previously disjointed and ephemeral, even the smallest of towns now had organizations and took part in the movement. Different parts of the CNT (unions, regions, etc.) were autonomous and yet inextricably linked. A strike by workers in one field would often lead to solidarity strikes by workers in an entire city. This way, general strikes often were not "called", they simply happened organically.
General strike of 1919
[
edit
]
In 1919, employers at a Barcelona
hydroelectric plant
, known locally as
La Canadiense
, cut wages, triggering a 44-day-long and
hugely successful general strike
with over 100,000 participants. Employers immediately attempted to respond militantly, but the strike had spread much too rapidly. Employees at another plant staged a sit-in supporting their fellow workers. About a week later, all textile employees walked out. Soon after, almost all electrical workers went on strike as well.
Barcelona was placed under martial law, yet the strike continued in full force. The union of newspaper printers warned the newspaper owners in Barcelona that they would not print anything critical of the strikers. The Government in Madrid tried to destroy the strike by calling up all workers for
military service
, but this call was not heeded, as it was not even printed in the paper. When the call got to Barcelona by word of mouth, the response was yet another strike by all railway and trolley workers.
The Government in Barcelona finally managed to settle the strike, which had effectively crippled the Catalan economy. All of the striking workers demanded an
eight-hour day
, union recognition, and the rehiring of fired workers. All demands were granted. It was also demanded that all political prisoners be released. The government agreed, but refused to release those currently on trial. Workers responded with shouts of "Free everybody!" and warned that the strike would continue in three days if this demand was not met. Sure enough, this is what occurred. However, members of the Strike Committee and many others were immediately arrested and police effectively stopped the second strike from reaching great proportions.
The Government tried to appease the workers, who were clearly on the verge of insurrection. Tens of thousands of unemployed workers were returned to their jobs. The eight-hour day was declared for all workers. Thus, Spain became the first country in the world to pass a national eight-hour day law, as a result of 1919's general strike.
After the 1919 general strike, increasing violence against CNT organizers, combined with the rise of the
Primo de Rivera
dictatorship (which banned all anarchist organizations and publications), created a lull in anarchist activity. Many anarchists responded to police violence by becoming
pistoleros
themselves. This was a period of mutual violence, in which anarchist groups including
Los Solidarios
assassinated political opponents. Many anarchists were killed by gunmen of the other side.
During the Primo de Rivera years, much of the CNT leadership began to espouse a "moderate"
revolutionary syndicalism
, ostensibly holding an anarchist outlook but holding that the fulfilment of anarchist hopes would not come immediately, and insisting on the need for a more disciplined and organised trade-union movement in order to work towards libertarian communism. The
Federacion Anarquista Iberica
(FAI) was formed in 1927 to combat this tendency.
Its organization was based on autonomous
affinity groups
. The FAI remained a very secretive organization, even after acknowledging its existence two years after its formation. Its surreptitious nature makes it difficult to judge the extent of its membership. Estimates of FAI membership at the time immediately preceding the revolution range from 5,000 to 30,000. Membership dramatically increased during the first few months of the Civil War.
The FAI was not ideally
libertarian
, being dominated by very aggressive militants such as
Juan Garcia Oliver
and
Buenaventura Durruti
. However, it was not
authoritarian
in its actual methods; it allowed freedom of dissent to its members. In fact the overall organization of the FAI was very loose, unlike Bakunin's "Alliance" which was, however, an important precedent in creating an organization for pushing forward anarchist ideology.
The FAI was militantly revolutionary, with actions including bank robberies to acquire funds, and the organization of general strikes, but at times became more opportunist. It supported moderate efforts against the Rivera dictatorship, and in 1936, contributed to establishment of the
Popular Front
. By the time the anarchist organizations began cooperating with the Republican government, the FAI essentially became a
de facto
political party and the affinity group model was dropped, not uncontroversially.
Fall of Rivera and the Second Republic
[
edit
]
The CNT initially welcomed the Republic as a preferable alternative to dictatorship, while still holding on to the principle that all
states
are inherently deleterious, if perhaps to varying degrees of severity.
This relationship did not last long, though. A strike by telephone workers led to street fighting between CNT and government forces; the army used machine guns against the workers. A similar strike broke out a few weeks later in
Seville
; twenty anarchists were killed and one hundred were wounded after the army besieged a CNT meeting place and destroyed it with artillery. An
insurrection
occurred in
Alt Llobregat
, where miners took over the town and raised red and black flags in town halls. These actions provoked harsh government
repression
and achieved little tangible success. Some of the most active anarchists, including
Buenaventura Durruti
and
Francisco Ascaso
, were deported to Spanish territory in Africa. This provoked protest and an insurrection in
Terrassa
, where, like in Alto Llobregat, workers stormed town halls and raised their flags.
Another failed insurrection took place in 1933
, when anarchist groups attacked military barracks with the hope that those inside would support them. The government had already learned of these plans, however, and quickly suppressed the revolt.
None of these actions had any success. They resulted in thousands of jailed anarchists and a wounded movement. At the same time, infighting between the syndicalist
Treintismo
[
es
]
and the insurrectionalist FAI hurt the unity of the anarchist struggle.
Prelude to revolution
[
edit
]
A
CNT
?
FAI
poster from the 1930s
The national focus on Republic and reform led the anarchists to cry "Before the ballot boxes, social revolution!" In their view, liberal electoral reforms were futile and undesirable, and impeded the total liberation of the working classes.
An uprising took place in December 1933. Aside from a prison break in Barcelona, no gains were made by revolutionaries before the police quelled the revolt in Catalonia and most of the rest of the country. Zaragoza saw ephemeral insurrection in the form of street fighting and the occupation of certain buildings.
[28]
An important strike took place in April, again in Zaragoza. It lasted five weeks, shutting down most of Zaragoza's economy. Other parts of the country were supportive; anarchists in Barcelona took care of the strikers' children (about 13,000 of them)
[29]
while the CNT federation of Logrono had offered to take care of as many as 5,000.
[30]
Asturias
[
edit
]
The
Asturian miners' strike of 1934
began with attacks on barracks of the
Civil Guard
. In the town of
Mieres
, police barracks and the town hall were taken over. Strikers moved on, continuing to occupy towns, even the capital of Asturias in
Oviedo
. Workers had control over most of Asturias, under chants of "Unity, Proletarian brothers!" The ports of
Gijon
and
Aviles
remained open. Anarchist militants defending against the imminent arrival of government troops were denied sufficient arms by suspicious communists. So fell the uprising, with great violence upon the rebels, but also with great unity and revolutionary fervor amongst the working classes.
The crushing of the revolt was led by General
Francisco Franco
, who would later lead a rebellion against the republic and become dictator of Spain. The use of the
Foreign Legion
and the Moorish
Regulares
to kill Spaniards caused public outrage. Captured miners faced torture, rape, mutilation, and execution. This foreshadowed the same brutality seen two years later in the
Spanish Civil War
.
Popular Front
[
edit
]
With the growth of right-wing political parties (Gil Robles' conservative
Spanish Confederation of the Autonomous Right
, for example), leftist parties felt the need to join together in a "Popular Front." This included Republicans, Socialists, Communists, and other left parties; Anarchists were not willing to support it but refused to attack it, either, thus helping it get into power.
The more radical elements of the CNT-FAI were not satisfied with electoral politics. In the months after the Popular Front's rise to power, strikes, demonstrations, and rebellions broke out throughout Spain. Throughout the countryside, almost 5 km
2
of land were taken over by
squatters
. The Popular Front parties began to lose control. Anarchists would continue to strike even when prudent socialists called it off, taking food from stores when
strike funds
ran out.
The CNT's national congress in May 1936 had an overtly revolutionary tone. Among the topics discussed were sexual freedom, plans for agrarian
communes
, and the elimination of social
hierarchy
.
Individualist anarchism
[
edit
]
Spanish
individualist anarchism
was influenced by
American individualist anarchism
but it was mainly connected to the
French currents
. At the start of the 20th century people such as Dorado Montero,
Ricardo Mella
,
Federico Urales
, Mariano Gallardo and J. Elizalde translated French and American individualists. Important in this respect were also magazines such as
La Idea Libre
,
La Revista Blanca
,
Etica
,
Iniciales
,
Al margen
,
Estudios
, and
Nosotros
. The most influential thinkers there were
Max Stirner
,
Emile Armand
and
Han Ryner
. Just as in France,
Esperanto
,
anationalism
,
anarcho-naturism
and
free love
were present as philosophies and practices within Spanish individualist anarchist circles. Later Armand and Ryner started publishing in the Spanish individualist press. Armand's concept of amorous camaraderie had an important role in motivating
polyamory
as realization of the individual.
Historian Xavier Diez wrote on the subject in
El anarquismo individualista en Espana: 1923-1938
.
Utopia sexual a la prensa anarquista de Catalunya. La revista Etica-Iniciales (1927?1937)
deals with free love thought in
Iniciales
.
Diez reports that the Spanish individualist anarchist press was widely read by members of
anarcho-communist
groups and by members of the anarcho-syndicalist trade union CNT. There were also the cases of prominent individualist anarchists such as
Federico Urales
and
Miguel Gimenez Igualada
who were members of the CNT and J. Elizalde who was a founding member and first secretary of the
Iberian Anarchist Federation
.
An important Spanish individualist anarchist was
Miguel Gimenez Igualada
who wrote the lengthy theory book called
Anarchism
espousing his individualist anarchism.
[33]
Between October 1937 and February 1938 he started as editor of the individualist anarchist magazine
Nosotros
,
in which many works of
Han Ryner
and
Emile Armand
appeared, and also participated in the publishing of another individualist anarchist magazine
Al Margen: Publicacion quincenal individualista
.
[34]
In his youth he engaged in
illegalist
activities.
Igualada's thought was deeply influenced by Stirner, of which he was the main popularizer in Spain through his writings. He published and wrote the preface
to the fourth edition in Spanish of
The Ego and Its Own
from 1900. He proposed the creation of a
Union of Egoists
, a Federation of Individualist Anarchists in Spain, but did not succeed.
[35]
In 1956, Igualada published an extensive treatise on Stirner, which he dedicated to fellow individualist anarchist Emile Armand.
[36]
Afterwards, he travelled and lived in Argentina, Uruguay and Mexico.
Anarcho-naturism
[
edit
]
Anarcho-naturism
was quite important at the end of the 1920s in the Spanish anarchist movement
[37]
In
France
, later important propagandists of anarcho-naturism include
Henri Zisly
[38]
and
Emile Gravelle
who collaborated in
La Nouvelle Humanite
,
Le Naturien
,
Le Sauvage
,
L'Ordre Naturel
, and
La Vie Naturelle
.
[39]
Their ideas were important in individualist anarchist circles in France as well as Spain, where
Federico Urales
(pseudonym of Joan Montseny) promoted the ideas of Gravelle and Zisly in
La Revista Blanca
(1898–1905).
[40]
The linking role played by the Sol y Vida group was very important. The goal of this group was to take trips and enjoy the open air. The Naturist athenaeum,
Eclectico
, in Barcelona, was the base from which the activities of the group were launched. First
Etica
and then
Iniciales
, which began in 1929, were the publications of the group, which lasted until the
Spanish Civil War
. We must be aware that the naturist ideas expressed in them matched the desires that the libertarian youth had of breaking up with the conventions of the bourgeoisie of the time. That is what a young worker explained in a letter to
Iniciales
. He writes it under the odd pseudonym of
silvestre del campo
(wild man in the country). "I find great pleasure in being naked in the woods, bathed in light and air, two natural elements we cannot do without. By shunning the humble garment of an exploited person, (garments which, in my opinion, are the result of all the laws devised to make our lives bitter), we feel there no others left but just the natural laws. Clothes mean slavery for some and tyranny for others. Only the naked man who rebels against all norms, stands for anarchism, devoid of the prejudices of outfit imposed by our money-oriented society."
[37]
Isaac Puente
, Spanish
anarcho-naturist
and
anarcho-communist
Isaac Puente
, an influential Spanish anarchist during the 1920s and 1930s and an important propagandist of anarcho-naturism,
[41]
[42]
was a militant of both the
CNT
anarcho-syndicalist
trade union and
Iberian Anarchist Federation
. He published the book
El Comunismo Libertario y otras proclamas insurreccionales y naturistas
(en:
Libertarian Communism and other insurrectionary and naturist proclaims
) in 1933, which sold around 100,000 copies,
[43]
and wrote the final document for the Extraordinary Confederal Congress of Zaragoza of 1936 which established the main political line for the CNT for that year.
[44]
Puente was a doctor who approached his medical practice from a naturist point of view.
[41]
He saw naturism as an integral solution for the working classes, alongside
Neo-Malthusianism
, and believed it concerned the living being while anarchism addressed the social being.
[45]
He believed capitalist societies endangered the well-being of humans from both a socioeconomic and sanitary viewpoint, and promoted
anarcho-communism
alongside naturism as a solution.
[41]
The "relation between Anarchism and Naturism gives way to the Naturist Federation, in July 1928, and to the lV Spanish Naturist Congress, in September 1929, both supported by the Libertarian Movement. However, in the short term, the Naturist and Libertarian movements grew apart in their conceptions of everyday life. The Naturist movement felt closer to the Libertarian individualism of some French theoreticians such as Henri Ner (real name of
Han Ryner
) than to the revolutionary goals proposed by some Anarchist organisations such as the FAI, (
Federacion Anarquista Iberica
)".
[37]
This ecological tendency in Spanish anarchism was strong enough as to call the attention of the
CNT
?
FAI
in Spain.
Daniel Guerin
in
Anarchism: From Theory to Practice
reports:
Spanish
anarcho-syndicalism
had long been concerned to safeguard the autonomy of what it called "
affinity groups
." There were many adepts of naturism and
vegetarianism
among its members, especially among the poor
peasants
of the south. Both these ways of living were considered suitable for the transformation of the human being in preparation for a libertarian society. At the Saragossa congress the members did not forget to consider the fate of groups of naturists and nudists, "unsuited to industrialization." As these groups would be unable to supply all their own needs, the congress anticipated that their delegates to the meetings of the confederation of communes would be able to negotiate special economic agreements with the other agricultural and industrial communes. On the eve of a vast, bloody, social transformation, the CNT did not think it foolish to try to meet the infinitely varied aspirations of individual human beings.
[46]
Anarchist presence in the Spanish Civil War
[
edit
]
Buenaventura Durruti
The Republican government responded to the threat of a military uprising with remarkable timidity and inaction. The CNT had warned Madrid of a rising based in
Morocco
months earlier and even gave the exact date and time of 5 am on July 19, which it had learned through its impressive espionage apparatus. Yet, the Popular Front did nothing, and refused to give arms to the CNT. Tired of begging for weapons and being denied, CNT militants raided an arsenal and doled out arms to the unions. Militias were placed on alert days before the planned rising.
The rising was actually moved forward two days to July 17, and was crushed in areas heavily defended by anarchist militants, such as Barcelona. Some anarchist strongholds, such as Zaragoza, fell, to the great dismay of those in Catalonia; this is possibly due to the fact that they were being told that there was no "desperate situation" by Madrid and thus did not prepare. The Government still remained in a state of denial, even saying that the "Nationalist" forces had been crushed in places where it had not been. It is largely because of the militancy on the part of the unions, both anarchist and communist, that the Rebel forces did not win the war immediately.
Anarchist militias were remarkably libertarian within themselves, particularly in the early part of the war before being partially absorbed into the regular army. They had no rank system, no hierarchy, no salutes, and those called "Commanders" were elected by the troops.
The most effective anarchist unit was the
Durruti Column
, led by militant Buenaventura Durruti. It was the only anarchist unit which managed to gain respect from otherwise fiercely hostile political opponents. In a section of her memoirs which otherwise lambastes the anarchists,
Dolores Ibarruri
states: "The war developed with minimal participation from the anarchists in its fundamental operations. One exception was Durruti..." (
Memorias de Dolores Ibarruri
, p. 382). The column began with 3,000 troops, but at its peak was made up of about 8,000 men. They had a difficult time getting arms from a fearful Republican government, so Durruti and his men compensated by seizing unused arms from government stockpiles. Durruti's death on November 20, 1936, weakened the Column in spirit and tactical ability; they were eventually incorporated, by decree, into the regular army. Over a quarter of the population of Barcelona attended Durruti's funeral. It is still uncertain how Durruti died; modern historians tend to agree that it was an accident, perhaps a malfunction with his own gun or a result of friendly fire, but widespread rumors at the time claimed treachery by his men; anarchists tended to claim that he died heroically and was shot by a fascist sniper. Given the widespread repression against Anarchists by the Soviets, which included torture and
summary executions
, it is also possible that it was a USSR plot.
[47]
Another famous unit was the
Iron Column
, made up of ex-convicts and other "disinherited" Spaniards sympathetic to the Revolution. The Republican government denounced them as "uncontrollables" and "bandits", but they had a fair amount of success in battle. In March 1937 they were incorporated into the regular army.
CNT?FAI collaboration with government during the war
[
edit
]
In 1936, the CNT decided, after several refusals, to collaborate with the government of Largo Caballero.
Juan Garcia Oliver
became Minister of Justice (where he abolished legal fees and had all criminal dossiers destroyed),
Diego Abad de Santillan
became Minister of the Economy, and
Federica Montseny
became Minister of Health, to name a few instances.
During the Spanish Civil War, many anarchists outside of Spain criticized the CNT leadership for entering into government and compromising with communist elements on the Republican side. Those in Spain felt that this was a temporary adjustment, and that once Franco was defeated, they would continue in their libertarian ways. There was also concern with the growing power of authoritarian communists within the government. Montseny later explained: "At that time we only saw the reality of the situation created for us: the communists in the government and ourselves outside, the manifold possibilities, and all our achievements endangered."
[48]
Some anarchists outside of Spain viewed their concessions as necessary considering the grim possibility of losing everything should the fascists win the war.
Emma Goldman
said: "With Franco at the gate of Madrid, I could hardly blame the CNT?FAI for choosing a lesser evil: participation in government rather than dictatorship, the most deadly evil."
[49]
Spanish Revolution of 1936
[
edit
]
Anarcha-feminist militia during the
Spanish Revolution of 1936
Along with the fight against fascism, there was a profound anarchist revolution throughout Spain. Much of Spain's economy was put under worker control. In anarchist strongholds such as Catalonia, the figure was as high as 75%, but lower in areas with heavy socialist influence. Factories were run through
worker committees
; agrarian areas became collectivized and run as libertarian
communes
. Even places like hotels, barber shops, and restaurants were collectivized and managed by their workers.
The anarchist held areas were run according to the basic principle of "
From each according to his ability, to each according to his need
." In some places, money was entirely eliminated, to be replaced with vouchers. Numerous sources attest that industrial productivity doubled almost everywhere across the country and agricultural yields being "30?50%" larger, demonstrated by Emma Goldman,
Augustin Souchy
,
Chris Ealham
, Eddie Conlon, Daniel Guerin and others. Of the resulting industrial output, Republican military commander
Vicente Rojo Lluch
said "Notwithstanding lavish expenditures of money on this need, our industrial organization was not able to finish a single kind of rifle or machine gun or cannon."
[50]
Anarchic communes often produced more than before the collectivization. Yields were increased by as much as 50% as a result of newly applied scientific methods. However, critics often dispute these claims. Currency remained in use as a 'family wage' in some areas, while in other areas the use of currency was abolished. The newly liberated zones worked on entirely socialist libertarian principles; decisions were made through councils of ordinary citizens without any sort of bureaucracy. (The CNT-FAI leadership was at this time not nearly as radical as the rank-and-file members responsible for these sweeping changes.)
[51]
Franco years
[
edit
]
Statue of
Felix Padin Gallo
[
es
]
, a prisoner in the last to be closed concentration camp in
Miranda de Ebro
who fought in the
Isaac Puente battalion
during the civil war
When
Francisco Franco
took power in 1939, he had tens of thousands of political
dissidents
executed. The total number of politically motivated killings between 1939 and 1943 is estimated to be around 200,000.
[52]
Forced labor camps were opened up, where, according to historian
Antony Beevor
, "the system was probably as bad as in Germany or Russia." Despite these actions, underground resistance to Franco's rule lingered for decades. Actions by the Resistance included, among other things, sabotage, releasing prisoners, underground organizing of workers, aiding fugitives and refugees, and assassinations of government officials.
Little attention was paid to the Spaniards who refused to accept Franco's rule, even by those who had been against him during the war.
Miguel Garcia Garcia
, an anarchist jailed for twenty-two years, describes their circumstances in his 1972 book: "When we lost the war, those who fought on became the Resistance. But to the world, the Resistance had become criminals, for Franco made the laws, even if, when dealing with political opponents, he chose to break the laws established by the constitution; and the world still regards us as criminals. When we are imprisoned, liberals are not interested, for we are 'terrorists'".
The guerilla resistance (referred to in Spain as
Maquis
) was effectively ended around 1960 with the death of many of its more experienced militants. In the period from the end of the war until 1960, according to government sources, there were 1,866 clashes with security forces and 535 acts of sabotage. 2,173 guerillas were killed and 420 were wounded, while the figures for government forces lost amount to only 307 killed and 372 wounded. 19,340 resistance fighters were arrested over this time interval. Those who aided the guerillas were met with similar brutality; as many as 20,000 were arrested over the years on this charge, with many facing torture during interrogation.
The Spanish government under Franco continued to prosecute criminals until its demise. In the earlier years, some prisons were filled up to fourteen times their capacity, with prisoners hardly able to move about. People were often locked up simply for carrying a union card. Active militants were often less fortunate; thousands were shot or hanged. Two of the most able Resistance fighters,
Jose Luis Facerias
and
Francisco Sabater Llopart
(often called Sabate), were simply shot by police forces; many anarchists met a similar fate.
Federica Montseny
speaks at the 1977 historical meeting of the CNT in Barcelona, the first one after thirty-six years of
dictatorship in Spain
The then-underground CNT was also involved. In 1962, a secret Interior Defense section was formed to coordinate actions of the resistance.
The
Anarchist Black Cross
was re-activated in the late 1960s by
Albert Meltzer
and Stuart Christie to help anarchist prisoners during Franco's reign.
[53]
In 1969, Miguel Garcia Garcia became International Secretary of the ABC.
Today
[
edit
]
A
squat
in Barcelona
The CNT is still active today. Their influence, however, is limited. The CNT, in 1979, split into two factions: CNT/
AIT
and CNT/U. The CNT/AIT claimed the original "CNT" name, which led the CNT/U to change its name to
Confederacion General del Trabajo
(CGT) in 1989, which retains most of the CNT's principles. The
CGT
is much larger, with perhaps 50,000 members (although it represents as many as two million workers), and is currently the third largest union in Spain. An important cause for the split and the main practical difference between the two trade unions today is that the CGT participates, just like any other Spanish trade union, in
elecciones sindicales
, where workers choose their representatives who sign their collective bargaining agreements. CGT has an important number of representatives in, for example,
SEAT
, the Spanish car manufacturer and still the largest enterprise in Catalonia and also in the public railroad system, e.g., it holds the majority in
Barcelona's underground
. CNT does not participate in
elecciones sindicales
and criticizes this model. The CNT?CGT split has made it impossible for the government to give back the unions' important facilities that belonged to them before Franco's regime seized them and used them for
their only legal trade union
, a devolution also still pending in part for some of the other historical political parties and worker organizations.
[54]
CNT demonstration in Bilbao during May Day 2010
During the first years of the 2000s, the
Iberian Federation of Libertarian Youth
in Spain started to adopt insurrectionary anarchist ideals, and distancing from
anarcho-syndicalism
became more prevalent due to the influence of
black blocs
in
alterglobalization
protests and examples of anarchist insurrection from Italy and Greece. However, around 2002 - 2003 it was subject to state repression, driving it into inactivity.
[55]
A new generation of anarchist youth decided to re-establish the FIJL in 2006, deviating from its predecessor in identifying as a formal organisation (something insurrectionary anarchism disavows), as well as being sympathetic to anarcho-syndicalism, although this did not prevent it from criticizing institutions such as the CNT.
[56]
[57]
In the year 2007 it claimed itself to be the direct continuation of the previous FIJL, since it did not have news from the insurrectionist organization. However, after the publishing of a communique by FIJL,
[55]
it rebranded itself the "Iberian Federation of Anarchist Youth" (
Federacion Iberica de Juventudes Anarquistas
or FIJA), still claiming to be descended from, and continuing in the spirit of, 90s FIJL.
[58]
They publish a newspaper called
El Fuelle
(
The Bellows
).
In March 2012, the insurrectionist FIJL of the 1990s announced its dissolution,
[59]
and so FIJA reclaimed the FIJL name.
[60]
Today, the FIJL has presence in Asturias, Cadiz, Donosti, Granada, Lorca (Murcia) and Madrid.
[61]
Violence
[
edit
]
Francisco Ferrer
Although many anarchists were opposed to the use of force, some militants did use violence and
terrorism
to further their agendas. This "
propaganda of the deed
" first became popular in the late 19th century. This was before the rise of syndicalism as an anarchist tactic, and after a long history of police repression that led many to despair.
Los Desheredados
(English translation: "the Disinherited"), were a secret group advocating violence and said to be behind a number of murders. Another group,
Mano Negra
(Black Hand), was also rumoured to be behind various assassinations and bombings, although there is some evidence that the group was a sensational myth created by police in the
Civil Guard
(
La Guardia Civil
), notorious for their brutality; in fact, it is well known that police invented actions by their enemies, or carried them out themselves, as a tool of repression.
Los Solidarios
and
Agrupacion de los Amigos de Durruti
(Friends of Durruti) were other groups that used violence as a political weapon. The former group was responsible for the robbery of Banco de Bilbao which gained 300,000 pesetas, and the assassination of the
Cardinal Archbishop of Zaragoza
Juan Soldevilla y Romero
, who was reviled as a particularly reactionary cleric.
Los Solidarios
stopped using violence with the end of the Primo de Rivera dictatorship, when anarchists had more opportunities to work aboveground.
In later years, anarchists were responsible for a number of church burnings throughout Spain. The
Church
, a powerful, usually right-wing political force in Spain, was always hated by anti-authoritarians. At this time, their influence was not as grand as in the past, but a rise of anti-Christian sentiment coincided with their perceived or real support of fascism. Many of the burnings were not committed by anarchists. However, anarchists were often used as a
scapegoat
by the authorities.
Rarely was violence directed towards civilians. However, there are a few recorded cases in which anarchists enforced their own beliefs with violence; one observer reports incidents in which pimps and drug dealers were shot on the spot. Forced collectivization, while exceedingly rare, did occur on several occasions when ideals were dropped in favor of wartime pragmatism. In general, though, individual holdings were respected by anarchists who opposed coercive violence more vigorously than small-scale property possession.
Despite the violence of some, many anarchists in Spain adopted an
ascetic
lifestyle in line with their libertarian beliefs. Smoking, drinking,
gambling
, and prostitution were widely looked down upon. Anarchists avoided dealing with institutions they proposed to fight against: most did not enter into marriages, go to State-run schools (libertarian schools, like the
Catalan
Ferrer
's
Escuela Moderna
, were popular), or attempt to aggrandize their personal wealth. This moralism starkly contrasts with the popular view of anarchists as
anomic
firebrands, but also is part of another stereotype that the anarchism in Spain was a millenarian pseudo-religion.
Feminism
[
edit
]
Feminism
has historically played a role alongside the development of anarchism; Spain is no exception. The CNT's founding congress placed special emphasis on the role of women in the labor force and urged an effort to recruit them into the organization. There was also a denunciation of the exploitation of women in society and of wives by their husbands.
Women's rights
had been integral in anarchist ideas such as
coeducation
, the abolition of marriage, and
abortion
rights, amongst others; these were quite radical ideas in traditionally Catholic Spain. Women had played a large part in many of the struggles, even fighting alongside their male comrades on the barricades. However, they were often marginalized; for example, women often were paid less in the agrarian
collectives
and had less visible roles in larger anarchist organizations.
Lucia Sanchez Saornil and
Emma Goldman
A Spanish anarchist group known as
Mujeres Libres
(Free Women) provided
day-care
, education, maternity centers, and other services for the benefit of women. The group had a peak membership of between 20,000 and 38,000. Its first national congress, held in 1937, with delegations from over a dozen different cities representing about 115 smaller groups. The statutes of the organization declared its purpose as being "a. To create a conscious and responsible feminine force that will act as a vanguard of progress; b. To establish for this purpose schools, institutes, lectures, special courses, etc., to train the woman and emancipate her from the triple slavery to which she has been and still is submitted: the slavery of ignorance, the slavery of being a woman, and the slavery of being a worker."
Eskalera Karakola
is a current
squat
in
Madrid
, Spain, which is held by
feminists
and works on
autogestion
principles. It was situated in the
Lavapies
barrio from 1996 to 2005, and is now in Calle Embajador. The squat organizes activities focussing on
domestic violence
and women's
precarity
in
post-industrial capitalism
. In 2002, it created a
Female Workers' Laboratory
(
Laboratorio de Trabajadoras
), and has carried out
anti-racist
activities, in particular with female
immigrants
, since 1998. Eskalera Karakola also took part in the organization of the
LGBT Pride
and the forum "Women and Architecture". It participated in
alter-globalization
events such as the
European Social Forum
and is part of the European nextGENDERation network.
[62]
It publishes a review titled
Mujeres Preokupando
(
Concerned Women
).
See also
[
edit
]
- Antorcha
, a 1930s anarchist newspaper from Las Palmas
- La Mano Negra
, an alleged violent anarchist secret society operating in Andalusia around 1880
- Vivir la Utopia
, a movie about anarchism in Spain by J. Gamero
References
[
edit
]
- ^
George Woodcock (2004).
Anarchism: a history of libertarian ideas and movements
. University of Toronto Press. p. 299.
ISBN
978-1-55111-629-7
.
- ^
Tunon de Lara, Manuel
(1977) [1972].
El movimiento obrero en la historia de Espana. I.1832-1899
(in Spanish) (2ª ed.).
Barcelona
: Laia. pp. 161?162.
ISBN
84-7222-331-0
.
- ^
Engels, Friedrich (1973).
"1873: The Bakuninists at Work"
.
Marxists Internet Archive
. Der Volksstaat, 31 October, 2?5 November 1873
. Retrieved
23 March
2020
.
- ^
George Woodcock.
Anarchism: a history of libertarian movements
. Pg. 357
- ^
"Anarchism"
at the
Encyclopædia Britannica
online.
- ^
(1998) Bookchin, Murray.
The Spanish Anarchists
111-114 pp
- ^
Kelsey, Graham
(1991).
Anarchosyndicalism, Libertarian Communism and the State: The CNT in Zaragoza and Aragon, 1930-1937
.
Kluwer Academic Publishers
. p. 98.
- ^
Comuniello, Sofia (August 1992).
"Getting to know Durruti"
.
Correo@
(20): 16?17 – via Spunk Library.
- ^
Kelsey, Graham
(1991).
Anarchosyndicalism, Libertarian Communism and the State: The CNT in Zaragoza and Aragon, 1930-1937
.
Kluwer Academic Publishers
. p. 110.
- ^
guest8dcd3f (2009-07-22).
"Anarquismo Miguel Gimenez Igualada"
. Retrieved
20 March
2015
.
{{
cite web
}}
: CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (
link
)
- ^
Diez 2006
:
"Entre los redactores y colaboradores de Al Margen, que trasladara su redaccion a Elda, en Alicante, encontraremos a Miguel Gimenez Igualada..."
- ^
Diez 2006
:
"A partir de la decada de los treinta, su pensamiento empieza a derivar hacia el individualismo, y como profundo estirneriano tratara de impulsar una federacion de individualistas"
- ^
"
"Stirner" by Miguel Gimenez Igualada"
(PDF)
. Archived from
the original
(PDF)
on 2011-09-17
. Retrieved
2010-07-09
.
- ^
a
b
c
"Anarchism - Nudism, Naturism" by Carlos Ortega at Asociacion para el Desarrollo Naturista de la Comunidad de Madrid. Published on Revista
ADN
. Winter 2003
- ^
Ness, Immanuel, ed. (2009).
Zisly, Henri (1872?1945) : The International Encyclopedia of Revolution and Protest : International Encyclopedia of Revolution and Protest
. John Wiley & Sons.
doi
:
10.1002/9781405198073
.
ISBN
9781405198073
.
- ^
"Robert Brentano, Fernando Fernan-Gomez, Guy Debord, Leo Tolstoy, Alexander Berkman, Emile Gravelle, Louise Michel, Santiago Salvador Franch, Mollie Steimer, Ricardo Flores Magon, Dorothy Day, Joffre Stewart, on this day in recovered history November 21"
. Archived from
the original
on 1 July 2016
. Retrieved
20 March
2015
.
- ^
Arturo.
"Los origenes del naturismo libertario"
. Retrieved
20 March
2015
.
- ^
a
b
c
Isaac Puente.
El Comunismo Libertario y otras proclamas insurreccionales y naturistas.
- ^
Iniguez, Miguel, ed. (2004).
Anarquismo y Naturismo: El Caso de Isaac Puente
. Vitoria: Asociacion Isaac Puente.
- ^
Isaac Puente.
El Comunismo Libertario y otras proclamas insurreccionales y naturistas.
pg. 4
- ^
Diez 2007
:
"De hecho, el documento de Isaac Puente se convirtio en dictamen oficial aprobado en el Congreso Extraordinario Confederal de Zaragoza de 1936 que servia de base para fijar la linea politica de la CNT respecto a la organizacion social y politica futura. Existe una version resumida en Iniguez (1996), pp. 31-35. La version completa se puede encontrar en las actas oficiales del congreso, publicadas en CNT: El Congreso Confederal de Zaragoza, Zeta, Madrid, 1978, pp. 226-242."
- ^
"Y complementarlos puesto que se ocupan de aspectos distintos, ?el uno redime al ser vivo, el otro al ser social"
Isaac Puente.
El Comunismo Libertario y otras proclamas insurreccionales y naturistas.
- ^
Anarchism: From theory to practice
by
Daniel Guerin
- ^
The Spanish Civil War
, documentary, Granada.
- ^
Beevor, Antony (2012-08-23).
The Battle for Spain: The Spanish Civil War 1936-1939
. Orion.
ISBN
978-1-78022-453-4
.
- ^
"Speech at the International Workingmen's Association, Paris, 1937"
. Archived from
the original
on 30 December 2007
. Retrieved
7 January
2008
.
- ^
Hugh Purcell, p. 98, Colonel
Vicente Rojo Lluch
as quoted in Stanley G. Payne,
The Spanish Revolution
, (1970)
- ^
"An Anarchist Perspective on the Spanish Civil War"
. Retrieved
20 March
2015
.
- ^
D. Phillips, Jr, William; Rahn Phillips, Carla (2010).
A Concise History of Spain
. Cambridge University Press.
ISBN
978-1139788908
.
- ^
Meltzer, Albert
(1996). "XIII".
I Couldn't Paint Golden Angels
. Edinburgh: AK Press. pp. 200?201.
ISBN
978-1-873176-93-1
.
- ^
"Infoshop News - The Spanish CGT - The New Anarcho-syndicalism"
. Archived from
the original
on May 11, 2005.
- ^
a
b
"Comunicado de la Federacion Iberica de Juventudes Libertarias (FIJL)"
. Retrieved
20 March
2015
.
- ^
Anarchist Youths of Leon, "La Teoria de Cuerdas del Sindicalismo" ("Syndicalism's String Theory")
Archived copy
. Archived from
the original
the 15th of April, 2013.
- ^
Black Flag Group
"Lo que es y no es el 19 de julio"
("What is and isn't the 19th of July")
- ^
"Nace la Federacion Iberica de Juventudes Anarquistas"
. alasbarricadas.org. 11 August 2007
. Retrieved
3 February
2014
.
- ^
"Comunicado de disolucion de la Federacion Iberica de Juventudes Libertarias (FIJL)"
. Retrieved
20 March
2015
.
- ^
"Federacion Iberica de Juventudes Libertarias ? F.I.J.L"
. nodo50.org. 5 April 2012. Archived from
the original
on 4 June 2012
. Retrieved
3 February
2014
.
- ^
"Directorio de la Federacion Iberica de Juventudes Libertarias"
. Archived from
the original
on June 4, 2012.
- ^
"?毛エステの口コミ人?NO1は?※調査してみた!"
. Retrieved
20 March
2015
.
Bibliography
[
edit
]
- An "Uncontrollable" from the
Iron Column
(2003) [1937].
A Day Mournful and Overcast
.
London
:
Kate Sharpley Library
.
ISBN
1-873605-33-1
.
OCLC
55624636
.
- Ackelsberg, Martha
(2005).
Free Women of Spain: Anarchism and the Struggle for the Emancipation of Women
.
Oakland
:
AK Press
.
ISBN
1-902593-96-0
.
OCLC
492943653
.
- Alexander, Robert
(1999).
The Anarchists in the Spanish Civil War
.
London
: Janus.
ISBN
1-85756-400-6
.
OCLC
43717219
.
- Beevor, Antony
(2001) [1982].
The Spanish Civil War
.
New York
:
Penguin Books
.
ISBN
0-14-100148-8
.
OCLC
46321088
.
- Bookchin, Murray
(1978).
The Spanish Anarchists: The Heroic Years, 1868?1936
.
New York
:
Harper & Row
.
ISBN
0-06-090607-3
.
OCLC
4604735
.
- Bookchin, Murray
(1994).
To Remember Spain
.
Edinburgh
:
AK Press
.
ISBN
1-873176-87-2
.
OCLC
231645582
.
.
- Boyd, Carolyn P. (1976). "The Anarchists and Education in Spain, 1868-1909".
The Journal of Modern History
.
48
(4): 125?170.
doi
:
10.1086/241533
.
ISSN
0022-2801
.
JSTOR
1877306
.
OCLC
5545665264
.
S2CID
144384298
.
- Brenan, Gerald
(2009) [1943].
The Spanish Labyrinth
.
Cambridge
:
Cambridge University Press
.
ISBN
978-0-521-39827-5
.
OCLC
934347541
.
- Caplan, Bryan
(1996).
"The Anarcho-Statists of Spain: An Historical, Economic, and Philosophical Analysis of Spanish Anarchism"
.
George Mason University
. Retrieved
July 9,
2017
.
- Gomez Casas, Juan (1986).
Anarchist organisation : the history of the F.A.I
. Montreal: Black Rose Books.
ISBN
0-920057-40-3
.
- Chomsky, Noam
(1987).
"Objectivity and Liberal Scholarship"
. In Peck, James (ed.).
The Chomsky Reader
.
New York
: Pantheon Books.
ISBN
0394751736
.
OCLC
935522790
.
- Christie, Stuart
(2008).
We, The Anarchists! A Study Of The Iberian Anarchist Federation (FAI) 1927–1937
.
Edinburgh
:
AK Press
.
ISBN
978-1904859758
.
OCLC
443786153
.
- Diez, Xavier (2001).
Utopia sexual a la premsa anarquista de Catalunya: la revista Etica-Iniciales, 1927-1937
(in Catalan).
Lleida
.
ISBN
978-84-7935-715-3
.
OCLC
469334328
.
{{
cite book
}}
: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (
link
)
- Diez, Xavier (2006).
"La insumision voluntaria. El anarquismo individualista espanol durante la dictadura y la segund arepublica (1923-1938)"
.
Germinal: Revista de Estudios Libertarios
(in Spanish) (1).
Madrid
: 23?58.
ISSN
1886-3019
.
OCLC
756095520
.
- Diez, Xavier (2007).
El anarquismo individualista en Espana 1923-1938
.
Barcelona
: Virus Editorial.
ISBN
978-84-96044-87-6
.
OCLC
914865324
.
- Esenwein, George Richard (1989).
Anarchist Ideology and the Working-class Movement in Spain, 1868?1898
.
Berkeley
:
University of California Press
.
ISBN
978-0-520-06398-3
.
OCLC
470814010
.
- Fraser, Ronald
(1979).
Blood of Spain
.
New York
:
Pantheon Books
.
ISBN
0-394-73854-3
.
OCLC
954289856
.
- Fremion, Yves
(2002) [1980]. "The Spanish Revolution and the Durruti Column".
Orgasms of History: 3000 Years of Spontaneous Revolt
.
Edinburgh
:
AK Press
.
ISBN
1-902593-34-0
.
OCLC
1112570340
.
.
- Garcia, Miguel
(2002).
Looking Back After Twenty Years of Jail
.
London
:
Kate Sharpley Library
.
ISBN
1-873605-03-X
.
OCLC
1179841539
.
- Goldman, Emma
(2006) [1983].
Vision on Fire: Emma Goldman on the Spanish Revolution
(Second ed.).
Edinburgh
:
AK Press
.
ISBN
1904859577
.
OCLC
974188207
.
- Guillamon, Agustin (1996).
The Friends of Durruti Group 1937-1939
.
Edinburgh
:
AK Press
.
ISBN
1-873176-54-6
.
OCLC
932378848
.
- Iniguez, Miguel (2008).
Enciclopedia historica del anarquismo espanol
.
Vitoria-Gasteiz
: Asociacion Isaac Puente.
ISBN
978-84-612-4219-1
.
OCLC
716810373
.
- Meltzer, Albert
, ed. (1978).
A New World in Our Hearts: The Faces of Spanish Anarchism
.
Sanday
: Cienfuegos Press.
ISBN
0904564193
.
OCLC
1074878778
.
- Oehler, Hugo (1988) [1937].
"Barricades in Barcelona"
.
Revolutionary History
.
1
(2).
London
: Socialist Platform.
ISSN
0953-2382
.
OCLC
989960086
.
- Orwell, George
(1952) [1938].
Homage to Catalonia
.
New York
:
Harcourt
.
ISBN
0-15-642117-8
.
OCLC
1129324667
.
- Crossey, Ciaran (20 January 2008).
"Patrick Joseph Read ? Irish Anarchist in Spanish Civil War"
. Retrieved
3 August
2021
.
- Payne, Stanley G.
(1970).
The Spanish Revolution
.
London
:
Weidenfeld & Nicolson
.
ISBN
0297001248
.
OCLC
906044930
.
- Peirats, Jose
(1998) [1990].
Anarchists in the Spanish Revolution
.
London
:
Freedom Press
.
ISBN
0-900384-53-0
.
OCLC
634571715
.
- Peirats, Jose
(2011) [2001].
The CNT in the Spanish Revolution
.
Oakland
:
PM Press
.
ISBN
1-901172-05-8
(vol. 1);
ISBN
1-873976-24-0
(vol. 2);
ISBN
1-873976-29-1
(vol.3). all from ChristieBooks.
- Tellez, Antonio
(1998) [1974].
Sabate: Guerrilla Extraordinary
.
Edinburgh
:
AK Press
.
ISBN
1-902593-10-3
.
OCLC
47192670
.
- Tellez, Antonio
(1994).
The Anarchist Resistance to Franco
.
London
:
Kate Sharpley Library
.
ISBN
1-873605-65-X
.
OCLC
40183487
.
- Termes, Josep (2000) [1971].
Anarquismo y sindicalismo en Espana: la Primera Internacional (1864?1881)
(in Spanish).
Barcelona
: Critica.
ISBN
8484320588
.
OCLC
469664394
.
External links
[
edit
]
Anarchism in Europe
|
---|
Sovereign states
| |
---|
States with limited
recognition
| |
---|
Dependencies and
other entities
| |
---|