The
fairness doctrine
of the United States
Federal Communications Commission
(FCC), introduced in 1949, was a policy that required the holders of
broadcast licenses
both to present controversial issues of public importance and to do so in a manner that fairly reflected differing viewpoints.
[1]
In 1987, the FCC abolished the fairness doctrine,
[2]
prompting some to urge its reintroduction through either Commission policy or congressional legislation.
[3]
The FCC removed the rule that implemented the policy from the
Federal Register
in August 2011.
[4]
The fairness doctrine had two basic elements: It required broadcasters to devote some of their airtime to discussing controversial matters of
public interest
, and to air contrasting views regarding those matters. Stations were given wide latitude as to how to provide contrasting views: It could be done through news segments, public affairs shows, or editorials. The doctrine did not require equal time for opposing views but required that contrasting viewpoints be presented. The demise of this FCC rule has been cited as a contributing factor in the rising level of
party polarization
in the United States
.
[5]
[6]
While the original purpose of the doctrine was to ensure that viewers were exposed to a diversity of viewpoints, it was used by both the Kennedy and later the Johnson administration to combat political opponents operating on talk radio. In 1969 the
United States Supreme Court
, in
Red Lion Broadcasting Co. v. FCC
, upheld the FCC's general right to enforce the fairness doctrine where channels were limited. However, the court did not rule that the FCC was
obliged
to do so.
[7]
The courts reasoned that the scarcity of the broadcast spectrum, which limited the opportunity for access to the airwaves, created a need for the doctrine.
The fairness doctrine is not the same as the
equal-time rule
, which is still in place. The fairness doctrine deals with discussion of controversial issues, while the equal-time rule deals only with political candidates.
In 1938 Lawrence J. Flynn, a former Yankee Network employee, challenged the license of John Shepard III's WAAB in Boston, and also lodged a complaint about WNAC. Flynn asserted that these stations were being used to air one-sided political viewpoints and broadcast attacks (including editorials) against local (and federal) politicians that Shepard opposed. The FCC requested that Shepard provide details about these programs, and to appease the commission, the Yankee Network agreed to drop the editorials. But Flynn created a company called Mayflower Broadcasting and tried to get the FCC to award him WAAB's license; however, the FCC refused. Instead, in 1941, the commission made a ruling that came to be known as the Mayflower Decision which declared that radio stations, due to their public interest obligations, must remain neutral in matters of news and politics, and they were not allowed to give editorial support to any particular political position or candidate.
In 1949 the FCC's Editorializing Report
[8]
repealed the
Mayflower doctrine
, which since 1941 had forbidden on-air editorializing. This laid the foundation for the fairness doctrine by reaffirming the FCC's holding that licensees must not use their stations "for the private interest, whims or caprices [of licensees], but in a manner which will serve the community generally."
[9]
[10]
The FCC Report established two forms of regulation on broadcasters: to provide adequate coverage of public issues, and to ensure that coverage fairly represented opposing views.
[11]
The second rule required broadcasters to provide reply time to issue-oriented citizens. Broadcasters could therefore trigger fairness doctrine complaints without editorializing. The commission required neither of the fairness doctrine's obligations before 1949. Until then broadcasters had to satisfy only general "public interest" standards of the Communications Act.
[12]
The doctrine remained a matter of general policy and was applied on a case-by-case basis until 1967,
[13]
when certain provisions of the doctrine were incorporated into FCC regulations.
[14]
In 1969, the
United States courts of appeals
, in an opinion written by
Warren Burger
, directed the FCC to revoke Lamar Broadcasting's license for television station
WLBT
due to the station's segregationist politics and ongoing censorship of NBC network news coverage of the U.S. civil rights movement.
[15]
Application of the doctrine by the FCC
edit
In 1974, the Federal Communications Commission stated that the
Congress
had delegated the power to mandate a system of "access, either free or paid, for person or groups wishing to express a viewpoint on a controversial public issue" but that it had not yet exercised that power because licensed broadcasters had "voluntarily" complied with the "spirit" of the doctrine. It warned that:
Should future experience indicate that the doctrine [of 'voluntary compliance'] is inadequate, either in its expectations or in its results, the Commission will have the opportunity?and the responsibility?for such further reassessment and action as would be mandated.
[16]
In one landmark case, the FCC argued that
teletext
was a new technology that created soaring demand for a limited resource, and thus could be exempt from the fairness doctrine. The Telecommunications Research and Action Center (TRAC) and
Media Access Project
(MAP) argued that teletext transmissions should be regulated like any other airwave technology, hence the fairness doctrine was applicable (and must be enforced by the FCC). In 1986, Judges
Robert Bork
and
Antonin Scalia
of the
United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit
concluded that the fairness doctrine did apply to teletext but that the FCC was not required to apply it.
[17]
? In a 1987 case,
Meredith Corp.
v. FCC
, two other judges on the same court declared that Congress did not mandate the doctrine and the FCC did not have to continue to enforce it.
[18]
Decisions of the United States Supreme Court
edit
In
Red Lion Broadcasting Co. v. FCC
,
395
U.S.
367
(1969), the U.S. Supreme Court upheld (by a vote of 8?0) the constitutionality of the fairness doctrine in a case of an on-air personal attack, in response to challenges that the doctrine violated the
First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution
. The case began when journalist
Fred J. Cook
, after the publication of his
Goldwater: Extremist of the Right
, was the topic of discussion by
Billy James Hargis
on his daily
Christian Crusade
radio broadcast on
WGCB
in
Red Lion, Pennsylvania
. Cook sued arguing that the fairness doctrine entitled him to free air time to respond to the personal attacks.
[19]
Although similar laws are unconstitutional when applied to the press, the court cited a
Senate
report (S. Rep. No. 562, 86th Cong., 1st Sess., 8-9 [1959]) stating that radio stations could be regulated in this way because of the limited public airwaves at the time. Writing for the court, Justice
Byron White
declared:
A license permits broadcasting, but the licensee has no constitutional right to be the one who holds the license or to monopolize a radio frequency to the exclusion of his fellow citizens. There is nothing in the First Amendment which prevents the Government from requiring a licensee to share his frequency with others.?... It is the right of the viewers and listeners, not the right of the broadcasters, which is paramount.
[7]
Moreover, the court did not see how the fairness doctrine went against the First Amendment's goal of creating an informed public. The fairness doctrine required that those who were talked about be given chance to respond to the statements made by broadcasters. The court believed that this helped create a more informed public. Justice White explained that, without this doctrine, station owners would only have people on the air who agreed with their opinions. Throughout his opinion, Justice White argued that radio frequencies (and by extension television stations) should be used to educate listeners (or viewers) about controversial issues in a way that is fair and non-biased so that they can create their own opinions.
[20]
The court "ruled unanimously in 1969 that the Fairness Doctrine was not only constitutional but essential to democracy. The public airwaves should not just express the opinions of those who can pay for air time; they must allow the electorate to be informed about all sides of controversial issues."
[21]
The court also warned that if the doctrine ever restrained speech, then its constitutionality should be reconsidered. Justice
William O. Douglas
did not participate, but later wrote that he would have dissented because the Constitutional guarantee of
Freedom of the press
was absolute.
[22]
However, in the case of
Miami Herald Publishing Co. v. Tornillo
,
418
U.S.
241
(1974),
Chief Justice
Warren Burger
wrote (for a unanimous court):
Government-enforced right of access inescapably dampens the vigor and limits the variety of public debate.
This decision differs from
Red Lion v. FCC
in that it applies to a newspaper, which, unlike a broadcaster, is unlicensed and can theoretically face an unlimited number of competitors.
In 1984, the Supreme Court ruled that Congress could not forbid editorials by non-profit stations that received grants from the
Corporation for Public Broadcasting
(
FCC v.
League of Women Voters
of California
,
468
U.S.
364
(1984)). The court's 5-4 majority decision by
William J. Brennan Jr.
stated that while many now considered that expanding sources of communication had made the fairness doctrine's limits unnecessary:
We are not prepared, however, to reconsider our longstanding approach without some signal from Congress or the FCC that technological developments have advanced so far that some revision of the system of broadcast regulation may be required. (footnote 11)
After noting that the FCC was considering repealing the fairness doctrine rules on editorials and personal attacks out of fear that those rules might be "chilling speech", the court added:
Of course, the Commission may, in the exercise of its discretion, decide to modify or abandon these rules, and we express no view on the legality of either course. As we recognized in Red Lion, however, were it to be shown by the Commission that the fairness doctrine '[has] the net effect of reducing rather than enhancing' speech, we would then be forced to reconsider the constitutional basis of our decision in that case. (footnote 12)
[23]
Use as a political weapon
edit
Various presidential governments used the Fairness Doctrine to harass their political opponents by means of radio. During the Kennedy administration,
Bill Ruder
, Assistant Secretary of Commerce, said that "Our massive strategy [in the early 1960s] was to use the Fairness Doctrine to challenge and harass right-wing broadcasters and hope that the [legal] challenges would be so costly to them that they would be inhibited and decide it was too expensive to continue."
[24]
At the FCC, Martin Firestone's memorandum to the
Democratic National Committee
presented political strategies to combat small, rural radio stations unfriendly to Democrat politicians:
The right-wingers operate on a strictly-cash basis and it is for this reason that they are carried by so many small [radio] stations. Were our efforts to be continued on a year-round basis, we would find that many of these stations would consider the broadcasts of these programs bothersome and burdensome (especially if they are ultimately required to give us free time) and would start dropping the programs from their broadcast schedule.
[25]
Wayne Phillips, of the
Democratic National Committee
staff explained that "Even more important than the free radio-time was the effectiveness of this operation in inhibiting the political activity of these right-wing broadcasts".
[26]
The use of the fairness doctrine by the National Council for Civic Responsibility (NCCR) was to force right-wing radio stations to air rebuttals against the opinions expressed on their radio stations.
[27]
In 1985, under FCC Chairman
Mark S. Fowler
, a communications attorney who had served on
Ronald Reagan
's presidential campaign staff in 1976 and 1980, the FCC released its report on
General Fairness Doctrine Obligations
[28]
stating that the doctrine hurt the public interest and violated
free speech
rights guaranteed by the
First Amendment
. The commission could not, however, come to a determination as to whether the doctrine had been enacted by Congress through its 1959 Amendment to Section 315 of the
Communications Act
.
In response to the 1986
Telecommunications Research & Action Center v. F.C.C.
decision,
[29]
the
99th Congress
directed
[30]
the FCC to examine alternatives to the fairness doctrine and to submit a report to Congress on the subject.
[31]
In 1987, in
Meredith Corporation v. F.C.C.
the case was returned to the FCC with a directive to consider whether the doctrine had been "self-generated pursuant to its general congressional authorization or specifically mandated by Congress."
[32]
The FCC opened an inquiry inviting public comment on alternative means for administrating and enforcing the fairness doctrine.
[33]
Then, in its 1987 report, the alternatives?including abandoning a case-by-case enforcement approach, replacing the doctrine with open access time for all members of the public, doing away with the
personal attack rule
, and eliminating certain other aspects of the doctrine?were rejected by the FCC for various reasons.
[34]
On August 4, 1987, under FCC Chairman
Dennis R. Patrick
, the FCC abolished the doctrine by a 4?0 vote, in the
Syracuse Peace Council
decision,
[35]
which was upheld by a panel of the Appeals Court for the D.C. Circuit in February 1989, though the court stated in their decision that they made "that determination without reaching the constitutional issue."
[36]
The FCC suggested in
Syracuse Peace Council
that because of the many media voices in the marketplace, the doctrine be deemed unconstitutional, stating that:
The intrusion by government into the content of programming occasioned by the enforcement of [the fairness doctrine] restricts the journalistic freedom of broadcasters?... [and] actually inhibits the presentation of controversial issues of public importance to the detriment of the public and the degradation of the editorial prerogative of broadcast journalists.
At the 4?0 vote, Chairman Patrick said:
We seek to extend to the electronic press the same First Amendment guarantees that the print media have enjoyed since our country's inception.
[37]
Sitting commissioners at the time of the vote were:
[38]
[39]
The FCC vote was opposed by members of Congress who said the FCC had tried to "flout the will of Congress" and the decision was "wrongheaded, misguided and illogical".
[37]
The decision drew political fire, and cooperation with Congress was one issue.
[40]
In June 1987, Congress attempted to preempt the FCC decision and codify the fairness doctrine,
[41]
but the legislation was vetoed by President
Ronald Reagan
. Another attempt to revive the doctrine in 1991 was stopped when President
George H. W. Bush
threatened another veto.
[42]
Fowler said in February 2009 that his work toward revoking the fairness doctrine under the Reagan administration had been a matter of principle (his belief that the doctrine impinged upon the First Amendment), not partisanship. Fowler described the White House staff raising concerns, at a time before the prominence of conservative talk radio and during the preeminence of the
Big Three television networks
and PBS in political discourse, that repealing the policy would be politically unwise. He described the staff's position as saying to Reagan:
The only thing that really protects you from the savageness of the three networks?every day they would savage Ronald Reagan?is the Fairness Doctrine, and Fowler is proposing to repeal it!
[43]
Conservative talk radio
edit
The 1987 repeal of the fairness doctrine enabled the rise of talk radio that has been described as "unfiltered" divisive and/or vicious: "In 1988, a savvy former ABC Radio executive named Ed McLaughlin signed
Rush Limbaugh
? then working at a little-known Sacramento station ? to a nationwide syndication contract. McLaughlin offered Limbaugh to stations at an unbeatable price: free. All they had to do to carry his program was to set aside four minutes per hour for ads that McLaughlin's company sold to national sponsors. The stations got to sell the remaining commercial time to local advertisers." According to
The Washington Post
, "From his earliest days on the air, Limbaugh trafficked in conspiracy theories, divisiveness, even viciousness" (e.g., "feminazis").
[44]
Prior to 1987 people using much less controversial verbiage had been taken off the air as obvious violations of the fairness doctrine.
[45]
Two corollary rules of the doctrine, the
personal attack rule
and the "political editorial" rule, remained in practice until 2000. The "personal attack" rule applied whenever a person (or small group) was subject to a personal attack during a broadcast. Stations had to notify such persons (or groups) within a week of the attack, send them transcripts of what was said and offer the opportunity to respond on-the-air. The "political editorial" rule applied when a station broadcast editorials endorsing or opposing candidates for public office, and stipulated that the unendorsed candidates be notified and allowed a reasonable opportunity to respond.
[46]
The
U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit
ordered the FCC to justify these corollary rules in light of the decision to repeal the fairness doctrine. The FCC did not provide prompt justification so both corollary rules were repealed in October 2000.
[47]
Reinstatement considered
edit
In February 2005, U.S. Representative
Louise Slaughter
(
D
-
NY
) and 23 co-sponsors introduced the Fairness and Accountability in Broadcasting Act (H.R. 501)
[48]
in the 1st session of the
109th Congress
of 2005-2007 (when
Republicans
held a majority of both Houses). The bill would have shortened a station's license term from eight years to four, with the requirement that a license-holder cover important issues fairly, hold local public hearings about its coverage twice a year, and document to the FCC how it was meeting its obligations.
[49]
The bill was referred to committee, but progressed no further.
[50]
In the same Congress, Representative
Maurice Hinchey
(D-
NY
) introduced legislation "to restore the Fairness Doctrine". H.R. 3302, also known as the "Media Ownership Reform Act of 2005" or MORA, had 16 co-sponsors in Congress.
[51]
In June 2007, Senator
Richard Durbin
(D-
Ill.
) said, "It's time to reinstitute the Fairness Doctrine",
[52]
an opinion shared by his Democratic colleague, Senator
John Kerry
(D-
Mass.
).
[53]
However, according to Marin Cogan of
The New Republic
in late 2008:
Senator Durbin's press secretary says that Durbin has "no plans, no language, no nothing. He was asked in a hallway last year, he gave his personal view"?that the American people were served well under the doctrine?"and it's all been blown out of proportion."
[54]
On June 24, 2008, U.S. Representative
Nancy Pelosi
(D-
Calif.
), the
Speaker of the House
at the time, told reporters that her fellow
Democratic
representatives did not want to forbid reintroduction of the fairness doctrine, adding "the interest in my caucus is the reverse." When asked by John Gizzi of
Human Events
, "Do you personally support revival of the 'Fairness Doctrine?
'
", the Speaker replied "Yes".
[55]
On December 15, 2008, U.S. Representative
Anna Eshoo
(D-
Calif.
) told
The Daily Post
in
Palo Alto, California
that she thought it should also apply to cable and satellite broadcasters, stating:
I'll work on bringing it back. I still believe in it. It should and will affect everyone.
[56]
On February 11, 2009, Senator
Tom Harkin
(D-
Iowa
) told radio host Bill Press, "we gotta get the Fairness Doctrine back in law again." Later in response to Press's assertion that "they are just shutting down progressive talk from one city after another", Senator Harkin responded, "Exactly, and that's why we need the fair?that's why we need the Fairness Doctrine back."
[57]
Former President
Bill Clinton
has also shown support for the fairness doctrine. During a February 13, 2009, appearance on the Mario Solis Marich radio show, Clinton said:
Well, you either ought to have the Fairness Doctrine or we ought to have more balance on the other side, because essentially there's always been a lot of big money to support the right wing talk shows.
Clinton cited the "blatant drumbeat" against the stimulus program from conservative talk radio, suggesting that it does not reflect economic reality.
[58]
On September 19, 2019, Representative
Tulsi Gabbard
(D-HI) introduced H.R. 4401 Restore the Fairness Doctrine Act of 2019 in the House of Representatives, 116th Congress. Rep. Gabbard was the only sponsor. H.R. 4401 was immediately referred to the House Committee on Energy and Commerce on the same day. It was then referred to the Subcommittee on Communications and Technology on September 20, 2019.
[59]
H.R. 4401 would mandate equal media discussion of key political and social topics, requiring television and radio broadcasters to give airtime to opposing sides of issues of civic interest.
[60]
[61]
The summary reads: "Restore the Fairness Doctrine Act of 2019. This bill requires a broadcast radio or television licensee to provide reasonable opportunity for discussion of conflicting views on matters of public importance.
[62]
The Restore the Fairness Doctrine Act would once again mandate television and radio broadcasters present both sides when discussing political or social issues, reinstituting the rule in place from 1949 to 1987?...?. Supporters argue that the doctrine allowed for a more robust public debate and affected positive political change as a result, rather than allowing only the loudest voices or deepest pockets to win."
[63]
The fairness doctrine has been strongly opposed by prominent
conservatives
and
libertarians
who view it as an attack on
First Amendment
rights and property rights. Editorials in
The Wall Street Journal
and
The Washington Times
in 2005 and 2008 said that Democratic attempts to bring back the fairness doctrine have been made largely in response to conservative
talk radio
.
[64]
[65]
In 1987, Edward O. Fritts, president of the National Association of Broadcasters, in applauding President Reagan's veto of a bill intended to turn the doctrine into law, said that the doctrine is an infringement on free speech and intrudes on broadcasters' journalistic judgment.
[66]
In 2007, Senator
Norm Coleman
(R-
MN
) proposed an amendment to a defense
appropriations bill
that forbade the FCC from "using any funds to adopt a fairness rule."
[67]
It was blocked, in part on grounds that "the amendment belonged in the
Commerce Committee
's jurisdiction."
In the same year, the Broadcaster Freedom Act of 2007 was proposed in the Senate by Senators Coleman with 35 co-sponsors (S.1748) and
John Thune
(R-SD) with 8 co-sponsors (S.1742)
[68]
and in the House by Republican Representative
Mike Pence
(R-
IN
) with 208 co-sponsors (H.R. 2905).
[69]
It provided:
The Commission shall not have the authority to prescribe any rule, regulation, policy, doctrine, standard, or other requirement that has the purpose or effect of reinstating or repromulgating (in whole or in part) the requirement that broadcasters present opposing viewpoints on controversial issues of public importance, commonly referred to as the 'Fairness Doctrine', as repealed in General Fairness Doctrine Obligations of Broadcast Licensees, 50 Fed. Reg. 35418 (1985).
[70]
Neither of these measures came to the floor of either house.
On August 12, 2008, FCC Commissioner
Robert M. McDowell
stated that the reinstitution of the fairness doctrine could be intertwined with the debate over network neutrality (a proposal to classify network operators as
common carriers
required to admit all Internet services, applications and devices on equal terms), presenting a potential danger that
net neutrality
and fairness doctrine advocates could try to expand content controls to the Internet.
[71]
It could also include "government dictating content policy".
[72]
The conservative
Media Research Center
's Culture & Media Institute argued that the three main points supporting the fairness doctrine ? media scarcity, liberal viewpoints being censored at a corporate level, and public interest ? are all myths.
[73]
In June 2008,
Barack Obama
's press secretary wrote that Obama (then a Democratic U.S. senator from Illinois and candidate for president) did not support it, stating:
Obama does not support reimposing the Fairness Doctrine on broadcasters?... [and] considers this debate to be a distraction from the conversation we should be having about opening up the airwaves and modern communications to as many diverse viewpoints as possible. That is why Sen. Obama supports media-ownership caps,
network neutrality
,
public broadcasting
, as well as increasing minority ownership of broadcasting and print outlets.
[74]
On February 16, 2009, Mark Fowler said:
I believe as President Reagan did, that the electronic press?and you're included in that?the press that uses air and electrons, should be and must be as free from government control as the press that uses paper and ink,
Period
.
[43]
In February 2009, a White House spokesperson said that President Obama continued to oppose the revival of the doctrine.
[75]
In the
111th Congress
(January 2009 to January 2011), the
Broadcaster Freedom Act of 2009
(S.34, S.62, H.R.226) was introduced to block reinstatement of the doctrine. On February 26, 2009, by a vote of 87?11, the Senate added that act as an amendment to the
District of Columbia House Voting Rights Act of 2009
(S.160),
[76]
a bill which later passed the Senate 61?37 but not the House of Representatives.
[77]
The
Associated Press
reported that the vote on the fairness doctrine
rider
was "in part a response to conservative radio talk show hosts who feared that Democrats would try to revive the policy to ensure liberal opinions got equal time." The AP report went on to say that President Obama had no intention of reimposing the doctrine, but Republicans (led by Sen.
Jim DeMint
, R-
SC
) wanted more in the way of a guarantee that the doctrine would not be reimposed.
[78]
Suggested alternatives
edit
Media reform organizations such as
Free Press
feel that a return to the fairness doctrine is not as important as setting stronger station ownership caps and stronger "public interest" standards enforcement (with funding from fines given to
public broadcasting
).
[79]
In an August 13, 2008, telephone poll released by
Rasmussen Reports
, 47% of 1,000 likely voters supported a government requirement that broadcasters offer equal amounts of liberal and conservative commentary, while 39% opposed such a requirement. In the same poll, 57% opposed and 31% favored requiring Internet
websites
and
bloggers
that offer political commentary to present opposing points of view. By a margin of 71?20% the respondents agreed that it is "possible for just about any political view to be heard in today's media" (including the Internet, newspapers,
cable TV
and
satellite radio
), but only half the sample said they had followed recent news stories about the fairness doctrine closely. The
margin of error
was 3%, with a 95% confidence interval.
[80]
In June 2011, the chairman and a subcommittee chairman of the
House Energy and Commerce Committee
, both Republicans, said that the FCC, in response to their requests, had set a target date of August 2011 for removing the fairness doctrine and other "outdated" regulations from the FCC's rulebook.
[81]
On August 22, 2011, the FCC voted to remove the rule that implemented the fairness doctrine, along with more than 80 other rules and regulations, from the
Federal Register
following an executive order by President Obama directing a "government-wide review of regulations already on the books" to eliminate unnecessary regulations.
[4]
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"
CBS v. Democratic Nat'l Committee
, 412 U.S. 94 (1973)"
.
Justia Law
. Retrieved
November 17,
2021
.
- ^
Fletcher, Dan (February 20, 2009).
"A Brief History of the Fairness Doctrine"
.
Time
. Retrieved
October 10,
2021
.
It's as predictable as Rush Limbaugh sparking a controversy: every few years, someone in Congress brings up the Fairness Doctrine. In 1987 the FCC abolished the policy, which dictates that public broadcast license-holders have a duty to present important issues to the public and ? here's the 'fairness' part ? to give multiple perspectives while doing so.
- ^
Clark, Drew (October 20, 2004).
"How Fair Is Sinclair's Doctrine?"
.
Slate
.
- ^
a
b
Boliek, Brooks (August 22, 2011).
"FCC finally kills off fairness doctrine"
.
Politico
.
- ^
E. Patterson, Thomas
(2013). "The News Media: Communicating Political Images".
We the People
. 10th ed. McGraw-Hill Education: 336.
- ^
Rendall, Steve (January 1, 2005).
"The Fairness Doctrine: How We Lost it, and Why We Need it Back"
.
Extra!
. Retrieved
October 2,
2017
.
- ^
a
b
Red Lion Broadcasting Co. v. FCC
, decided June 8, 1969, also at
395
U.S.
367
(1969) (Excerpt from majority opinion, III A; Senate report cited in footnote 26). Justice
William O. Douglas
did not participate in the decision, but there were no concurring or dissenting opinions.
- ^
Report of the Commission in the Matter of Editorializing by Broadcast Licensees
, 13 F.C.C. 1246 [1949].
- ^
Report?... Licensees
, 13 F.C.C. 1246, 1248-9.
- ^
Pickard, Victor
(2015).
America's Battle for Media Democracy: The Triumph of Corporate Libertarianism and the Future of Media Reform
. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press.
ISBN
9781107694750
.
- ^
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The Federal Communications Commission, the Broadcast Industry, and the Fairness Doctrine 1981?1987
, New York: University Press of America, Inc.
- ^
Donahue, H. (1988).
The Battle to Control Broadcast News
. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press
- ^
Memorandum Opinion and Order, 8 F.C.C.2d 721 (August 7, 1967), which codified the personal attack doctrine and implemented provisions with respect to political editorials from Times-Mirror Broadcasting Co., 40 F.C.C. 531, 538 (1962); codified as 32 Fed. Reg. 10303 at para. 4 (1967). This was amended twice in Memorandum Opinion and Order, 9 F.C.C.2d 539 (1967) and Memorandum Opinion and Order, 12 F.C.C.2d 250 (1968).
- ^
Mullally, Donald P. (1969). "The Fairness Doctrine: Benefits and Costs".
Public Opinion Quarterly
.
33
(4): 577?582.
doi
:
10.1086/267746
.
JSTOR
2747567
.
- ^
"The FCC & Censorship: Legendary Media Activist Everett Parker on the Revocation of WLBT's TV License in the 1960s for Shutting Out Voices of the Civil Rights Movement"
,
Democracy Now!
, March 6, 2008.
- ^
In the Matter of the Handling of Public Issues Under the Fairness Doctrine and the Public Interest Standards of the Communications Act
, 48 F.C.C.2d 1 (F.C.C. 1974); 39 Fed. Reg. 26.372, 26.374 (1974)
- ^
Telecommunications Research and Action Center v. FCC
, 801 F.2d 501 (D.C. Cir. 1986)
Archived
October 23, 2008, at the
Wayback Machine
. Retrieved August 17, 2008.
- ^
Meredith Corp. v. FCC
, 809 F.2d 863 (D.C. Cir. 1987)
Archived
October 7, 2008, at the
Wayback Machine
, February 10, 1987, Retrieved August 17, 2008.
- ^
Tom Joyce:
"His call for a reply set up historic broadcast ruling; Fred J. Cook, whose book was attacked on Red Lion radio station WGCB in 1964, died recently at age 92"
.
York Daily Record
(Pennsylvania), May 6, 2003. Retrieved August 17, 2008.
- ^
Kramer, Daniel C.
"
Red Lion Broadcasting Co. v. Federal Communications Commission
(1969)"
.
The First Amendment Encyclopedia
. Retrieved
November 19,
2020
.
- ^
"Bring Back the Fairness Doctrine"
.
The Academy for Systems Change
. Retrieved
November 19,
2020
.
- ^
"CBS v, Democratic National Committee"
.
Justia
. Retrieved
August 18,
2022
.
- ^
The quotation is from Section III C of
Red Lion v. FCC
395
U.S.
367
(1969). Justice Brennan's opinion was joined by Justices
Thurgood Marshall
,
Harry Blackmun
,
Lewis Powell
and
Sandra Day O'Connor
. Dissenting opinions were written or joined by Chief Justice
Warren Burger
and Justices
William Rehnquist
,
Byron White
and
John Paul Stevens
.
- ^
Friendly (1976, p. 39).
- ^
Friendly (1976, p. 42).
- ^
Friendly (1976, p. 41).
- ^
Friendly (1976, esp. pp. 10, 39-40).
- ^
General Fairness Doctrine Obligations of Broadcast Licensees
, Report, 50 Fed. Reg. 35418 (1985)
- ^
801 F.2d 501 (D.C. Cir. 1986),
rehearing denied
, 806 F.2d 1115 (D.C. Cir. 1986),
cert. denied
, 107 S.Ct. 3196 (1987).
- ^
Making Continuing Appropriations for Fiscal Year 1987, P.L. 99-500. See also,
Conference Report to Accompany H.J.Res. 738
, H.Rept. 99-1005. 99th Cong., 2d Sess. (1986).
- ^
"Fairness Doctrine: History and Constitutional Issues"
(PDF)
. Congressional Research Service. July 13, 2011
. Retrieved
May 10,
2016
.
- ^
809 F.2d 863 (D.C. Cir. 1987) at 872.
- ^
Inquiry into Section 73.1910 of the Commission's Rules and Regulations Concerning Alternatives to the General Fairness Doctrine Obligations of Broadcast Licensees in MM Docket No. 97-26
, 2 FCC Rcd 1532 (1987).
- ^
In the Matter of Inquiry into Section 73.1910 of the Commission's Rules and Regulations Concerning Alternatives to the General Fairness Doctrine Obligations of Broadcast Licensees
. 2 FCC Rcd 5272 (1987).
- ^
"In re Complaint of Syracuse Peach Council against Television Station WTVH Syracuse, New York"
.
FCC Record
.
2
(17): 5043ff. August 6, 1987.
Wikidata
Q112043674
.
- ^
Circuit, District of Columbia (February 10, 1989).
"867 F. 2d 654 -
Syracuse Peace Council v. Federal Communications Commission
"
. Openjurist. p.?654
. Retrieved
December 7,
2014
.
Under the 'fairness doctrine,' the Federal Communications Commission has, as its 1985 Fairness Report explains, required broadcast media licensees (1) 'to provide coverage of vitally important controversial issues of interest in the community served by the licensees' and (2) 'to provide a reasonable opportunity for the presentation of contrasting viewpoints on such issues.' Report Concerning General Fairness Doctrine Obligations of Broadcast Licensees, 102 F.C.C. 2d 143, 146 (1985). In adjudication of a complaint against Meredith Corporation, licensee of station
WTVH
in Syracuse, New York, the Commission concluded that the doctrine did not serve the public interest and was unconstitutional. Accordingly it refused to enforce the doctrine against Meredith. Although the Commission somewhat entangled its public interest and constitutional findings, we find that the Commission's public interest determination was an independent basis for its decision and was supported by the record. We uphold that determination without reaching the constitutional issue.
- ^
a
b
Hershey Jr., Robert D. (August 5, 1987).
"F.C.C. Votes Down Fairness Doctrine in a 4-0 Decision"
.
FCC Video
. No.?FCC 1987.
NBCUniversal
.
The New York Times
. Archived from
the original
on March 16, 2012
. Retrieved
October 28,
2018
.
Today we reaffirm our faith in the American people. Our faith in their ability to distinguish between fact and fiction without any help from government.
Alt URL
- ^
Commissioners from 1934 to Present
- ^
FCC Record, Volume 2, No. 17, Pages 5002 to 5398, August 17?28, 1987
- ^
Salmans, Sandra (September 20, 1987).
"Regulator Unregulated: Dennis Patrick; At the FCC, Another Man Who Loves Free Markets"
.
The New York Times
.
- ^
The Fairness in Broadcasting Act of 1987, S. 742 & H.R. 1934, 100th Cong., 1st Sess. (1987)
- ^
Limburg, Val E. (April 27, 2009).
"Fairness Doctrine"
Archived
October 22, 2004, at the
Wayback Machine
.
Museum of Broadcast Communications
.
- ^
a
b
"unknown"
.
The Mark Levin Show
.
Archived
March 26, 2009, at the
Wayback Machine
, February 16, 2009. (a 26-megabyte
MP3
file), from about 17 minutes 15 seconds into the broadcast to 25 min. 45 sec.
- ^
Paul Farhi (February 9, 2021).
"Rush Limbaugh is ailing. And so is the conservative talk-radio industry"
.
The Washington Post
.
ISSN
0190-8286
.
Wikidata
Q105426282
.
.
- ^
Nicole Hemmer
(2016).
Messengers of the Right: Conservative Media and the Transformation of American Politics
.
University of Pennsylvania Press
.
ISBN
978-0-8122-2430-6
.
OL
27359649M
.
Wikidata
Q105427186
.
.
- ^
"Information Needs of Communities: The policy and regulatory landscape"
(PDF)
.
FCC
. June 9, 2011. pp.?277?278
. Retrieved
August 22,
2017
.
- ^
Leweke, Robert W. (October 1, 2001). "Rules Without a Home: FCC Enforcement of the Personal Attack and Political Editorial Rules".
Communication Law and Policy
.
6
(4): 557?576.
doi
:
10.1207/S15326926CLP0604_02
.
ISSN
1081-1680
.
S2CID
143329667
.
- ^
H.R. 501, Fairness and Accountability in Broadcasting Act (109th Congress, 1st Session)
(full text) from GovTrack.us. Retrieved November 13, 2008.
- ^
Congressional Research Service
summary of
H.R. 501--109th Congress (2005): Fairness and Accountability in Broadcasting Act
, GovTrack.us (database of federal legislation). Retrieved November 13, 2008
- ^
Overview of H.R. 501 (109th Congress, 1st session)
from GovTrack.us. Retrieved November 14, 2008.
- ^
Summary at
"Media Ownership Reform Act of 2005"
. Archived from
the original
on September 2, 2007
. Retrieved
September 12,
2007
.
- Full text at
H.R. 3302 Media Ownership Reform Act of 2005
[
permanent dead link
]
. Retrieved August 17, 2008.
- ^
Bolton, Alexander (June 27, 2007).
"GOP preps for talk radio confrontation"
.
The Hill
. Retrieved October 27, 2008.
- ^
John Eggerton (June 27, 2007).
"Kerry Wants Fairness Doctrine Reimposed"
.
Broadcasting and Cable
. Retrieved
October 27,
2008
.
describing an interview on
The Brian Lehrer Show
on
WNYC
radio
- ^
Marin Cogan,
Bum Rush: Obama's secret plan to muzzle talk radio. Very, very secret
,
The New Republic
, December 3, 2008. Retrieved November 20, 2008
- ^
Gizzi, John (June 25, 2008).
"Pelosi Supports Fairness Doctrine"
.
Human Events
. Retrieved
October 27,
2008
.
- ^
San Francisco Peninsula Press Club (December 16, 2008).
"Rep. Eshoo to push for Fairness Doctrine"
. San Francisco Peninsula Press Club
. Retrieved
December 15,
2008
.
- ^
Michael Calderon (February 11, 2009).
"Sen. Harkin: 'We need the Fairness Doctrine back'
"
.
Politico
. Retrieved
February 11,
2009
.
- ^
John Eggerton (February 13, 2009).
"Bill Clinton Talks of Re-Imposing Fairness Doctrine or At Least 'More Balance' in Media"
.
Broadcasting & Cable
. Retrieved
February 13,
2009
.
- ^
Willis, Derek (August 12, 2015).
"H.R.4401: To amend the Communications Act of 1934 to reinstate the obligation of broadcast licensees to afford reasonable opportunity for the discussion of conflicting views on issues of public importance (commonly known as the 'Fairness Doctrine')"
.
ProPublica
. Retrieved
November 19,
2020
.
- ^
Mojica, Adrian (October 24, 2019).
"Bill filed in Congress would mandate equal media attention on political or social issues"
.
WCIV
. Retrieved
November 19,
2020
.
- ^
GovTrack.us (October 22, 2019).
"Restore the Fairness Doctrine Act would require broadcasters give airtime to all sides of an issue"
.
Medium
. Retrieved
November 19,
2020
.
- ^
"Summary of H.R. 4401: Restore the Fairness Doctrine Act of 2019"
.
GovTrack.us
. Retrieved
November 19,
2020
.
- ^
"Summary of Bills Before 89th Congress"
.
Physical Therapy
.
45
(4): 373?376. April 1, 1965.
doi
:
10.1093/ptj/45.4.373
.
ISSN
0031-9023
.
- ^
"Rush to Victory"
(PDF)
.
The Wall Street Journal
. April 4, 2005
. Retrieved
July 1,
2008
.
- ^
"
'Fairness' is Censorship"
.
The Washington Times
. June 17, 2008
. Retrieved
July 1,
2008
.
- ^
Pagano, Penny (June 21, 1987).
"Reagan's Veto Kills Fairness Doctrine Bill"
.
Los Angeles Times
. Retrieved
May 11,
2016
.
- ^
Frommer, Frederic J. (July 14, 2007).
"Democrats Block Amendment to Prevent Fairness Doctrine"
.
Associated Press
. Retrieved
August 10,
2008
.
- ^
Broadcaster Freedom Act of 2007
, Open Congress Foundation. Retrieved November 14, 2008
- ^
Broadcaster Freedom Act of 2007, introduced February 1, 2005, "To prevent the Federal Communications Commission from repromulgating the fairness doctrine"
, Open Congress Foundation. Retrieved November 14, 2008
- ^
Text of H.R. 2905: Broadcaster Freedom Act of 2007
, GovTrack.us. Retrieved November 14, 2008
- ^
Jeff Poor,
"FCC Commissioner: Return of Fairness Doctrine Could Control Web Content"
Archived
September 22, 2010, at the
Wayback Machine
, August 13, 2008, Business & Media Institute
- ^
http://www.eyeblast.tv/Public/Video.aspx?rsrcID=34016
Archived
August 18, 2008, at the
Wayback Machine
See also
Commissioner McDowell's speech to the Media Institute
Archived
October 18, 2011, at the
Wayback Machine
in January 2009.
- ^
Culture & Media Institute report on The Fairness Doctrine.
Archived
January 9, 2011, at the
Wayback Machine
- accessed August 13, 2008.
- ^
Eggerton, John (June 25, 2008).
"Obama Does Not Support Return of Fairness Doctrine"
.
Broadcasting & Cable
. Archived from
the original
on June 27, 2008
. Retrieved
October 30,
2008
.
citing an e-mail from Obama's press secretary, Michael Ortiz.
- ^
"White House: Obama Opposes 'Fairness Doctrine' Revival"
.
Fox News
. February 18, 2009.
- ^
"Senate Backs Amendment to Prevent Fairness Doctrine Revival"
.
Fox News
. February 26, 2009. Archived from
the original
on February 28, 2009.
- ^
Warren, Timothy (February 26, 2009).
"Senate votes to give D.C. full House vote"
.
The Washington Times
. Retrieved
February 26,
2009
.
The Senate roll call is
here
.
- ^
"Senate bars FCC from revisiting Fairness Doctrine". Associated Press, February 26, 2009.
- ^
"The Structural Imbalance of Talk Radio"
(PDF)
.
Free Press
&
Center for American Progress
. June 21, 2007.
Archived
(PDF)
from the original on July 29, 2023.
- ^
"47% Favor Government Mandated Political Balance on Radio, TV"
.
Rasmussen Reports
press release, August 14, 2008 and
"Toplines - Fairness Doctrine". August 13, 2008
.
Archived
July 15, 2012, at
archive.today
(Questions and answers from the survey).
- ^
Nagesh, Gautham (June 28, 2011).
"FCC sets August target for striking Fairness Doctrine"
. "Hillicon Valley" blog,
The Hill
, quoting Republican Representatives
Fred Upton
(R-Michigan), chairman of the Energy & Commerce Committee, and
Greg Walden
(R-Oregon), chairman of its Telecommunications Subcommittee.