When Political IQ combines with thick-face and black-heart
Posted March. 26, 2024 07:46,
Updated March. 26, 2024 07:46
When Political IQ combines with thick-face and black-heart.
March. 26, 2024 07:46.
.
As the April general elections approach, it's becoming clear that politics is evolving from a domain grounded in principles to one dominated by strategic scheming. This transition highlights the timeless significance of an ancient Chinese adage, which asserts that achieving political success necessitates having either a thick face or a black heart. Although this concept might not have been foreign to ancient Chinese thinkers, it is certainly not a trait we should aspire to in 21st-century Korean politics. Nevertheless, a concerning pattern persists: voters increasingly favor politicians who blend political astuteness with a lack of scruples.
Consider the Democratic Party's decision to nominate Wi Sung-lac, a strong advocate for the South Korea-U.S. alliance, alongside three proponents of the anti-American Unified Progressive Party for proportional representation. This decision presents a stark clash of ideals. However, strategically, giving Wi, a figure with significant influence in Washington, a prominent spot on the ticket is a masterstroke. Recent events, from a controversy involving the Chinese ambassador to the nomination of anti-American activists and the remarks of ‘xie xie’ (thank you) to both China and Taiwan, all hint at the representative of the party, Lee Jae-myung’s hesitance to align too closely with the U.S.-led global order. Yet, even Lee decided to include a diplomat known for his alliance-focused stance, and this suggests a nuanced political calculus. Whether this move is seen as an example of political acumen or sheer opportunism, the judgment rests with the electorate. It represents a political intuition distinct from the kind of unprincipled behavior seen in scandals such as Daejang-dong and Ssangbangwool.
Another example is Lee Cheol-gyu, a prominent member of the People Power Party's pro-Yoon faction. The controversy surrounding Han Dong-hoon, accused of securing his position through personal connections rather than merit, stands in stark contrast to Kim Boo-yum's silence, which has drawn public scrutiny. After receiving an unsatisfactory ranking on the party's list and resigning, Joo Ki-hwan was quickly named a presidential advisor, a move seen as a direct challenge to Han Dong-hoon, a key figure within the party, just before the elections. Furthermore, Advisor Joo, a former prosecution investigator, through a series of significant roles?from a member of the transition committee to a candidate for Gwangju mayor, to a proportional representative, and finally to a presidential advisor? has given all these chances within two years.
Then there's former Minister Cho Kuk, whose recent actions exude a strong sense of black-heartedness. He was found guilty up to the second trial for turning a blind eye to the corruption of Financial Services Commission Director Yoo Jae-soo. Suppressing official inspection upon request from the core of the Blue House is a power-related crime. Still, when asked, he replies, "I may have issues with school admissions, but I'm not involved in power-related corruption," so confidently that one might mistakenly think the Yoo Jae-soo case was acquitted. The advice for similarly indicted figures such as Cho and Hwang Un-ha to step down from their candidacies seems fitting, offering a chance, however slight, to distance themselves from the taint of shamelessness.
The intersection of high political IQ and thick-faced and black-heartedness is hardly a recipe for exemplary governance. Yet, the absence of such qualities often spells electoral defeat. Echoing the words of a French scholar from two centuries ago, “Nations end up with governments reflective of their populace's character.” Given the current political climate, where voters' political IQ rivals that of the politicians, there's a pressing need for political figures to elevate their strategic insight to resonate with the electorate's expectations. Without such an alignment, electoral success remains an elusive goal.
韓國語
As the April general elections approach, it's becoming clear that politics is evolving from a domain grounded in principles to one dominated by strategic scheming. This transition highlights the timeless significance of an ancient Chinese adage, which asserts that achieving political success necessitates having either a thick face or a black heart. Although this concept might not have been foreign to ancient Chinese thinkers, it is certainly not a trait we should aspire to in 21st-century Korean politics. Nevertheless, a concerning pattern persists: voters increasingly favor politicians who blend political astuteness with a lack of scruples.
Consider the Democratic Party's decision to nominate Wi Sung-lac, a strong advocate for the South Korea-U.S. alliance, alongside three proponents of the anti-American Unified Progressive Party for proportional representation. This decision presents a stark clash of ideals. However, strategically, giving Wi, a figure with significant influence in Washington, a prominent spot on the ticket is a masterstroke. Recent events, from a controversy involving the Chinese ambassador to the nomination of anti-American activists and the remarks of ‘xie xie’ (thank you) to both China and Taiwan, all hint at the representative of the party, Lee Jae-myung’s hesitance to align too closely with the U.S.-led global order. Yet, even Lee decided to include a diplomat known for his alliance-focused stance, and this suggests a nuanced political calculus. Whether this move is seen as an example of political acumen or sheer opportunism, the judgment rests with the electorate. It represents a political intuition distinct from the kind of unprincipled behavior seen in scandals such as Daejang-dong and Ssangbangwool.
Another example is Lee Cheol-gyu, a prominent member of the People Power Party's pro-Yoon faction. The controversy surrounding Han Dong-hoon, accused of securing his position through personal connections rather than merit, stands in stark contrast to Kim Boo-yum's silence, which has drawn public scrutiny. After receiving an unsatisfactory ranking on the party's list and resigning, Joo Ki-hwan was quickly named a presidential advisor, a move seen as a direct challenge to Han Dong-hoon, a key figure within the party, just before the elections. Furthermore, Advisor Joo, a former prosecution investigator, through a series of significant roles?from a member of the transition committee to a candidate for Gwangju mayor, to a proportional representative, and finally to a presidential advisor? has given all these chances within two years.
Then there's former Minister Cho Kuk, whose recent actions exude a strong sense of black-heartedness. He was found guilty up to the second trial for turning a blind eye to the corruption of Financial Services Commission Director Yoo Jae-soo. Suppressing official inspection upon request from the core of the Blue House is a power-related crime. Still, when asked, he replies, "I may have issues with school admissions, but I'm not involved in power-related corruption," so confidently that one might mistakenly think the Yoo Jae-soo case was acquitted. The advice for similarly indicted figures such as Cho and Hwang Un-ha to step down from their candidacies seems fitting, offering a chance, however slight, to distance themselves from the taint of shamelessness.
The intersection of high political IQ and thick-faced and black-heartedness is hardly a recipe for exemplary governance. Yet, the absence of such qualities often spells electoral defeat. Echoing the words of a French scholar from two centuries ago, “Nations end up with governments reflective of their populace's character.” Given the current political climate, where voters' political IQ rivals that of the politicians, there's a pressing need for political figures to elevate their strategic insight to resonate with the electorate's expectations. Without such an alignment, electoral success remains an elusive goal.
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